Al Jazeera (Opinion)
By Brian Root and Clara Long
September 2, 2015
On
Aug. 19, Republican presidential hopeful Jeb Bush called for greater
border enforcement, ostensibly to prevent pregnant mothers from coming
to the United States to
deliver “anchor babies,” an offensive term for children born in the
U.S. to undocumented immigrants. The comment has drawn sharp criticism
from Latinos, Asians and immigrant rights advocates. Bush has fumbled
his response to the controversy.
Beyond
its dehumanizing consequences, the myth of the “anchor baby”
perpetuates the mistaken notion that having a U.S. citizen child is an
effective means for unauthorized
parents to stay in the United States. The fact is, having children who
are U.S. citizens is rarely a factor in immigration decisions and the
U.S. routinely rips families apart.
Separating
a family through deportation can inflict severe trauma on children. But
during his first six years in office, President Barack Obama’s
administration deported
more than 2 million immigrants under a legal framework that makes
little to no consideration for family ties.
Obama’s
recent executive actions offer some hope of partial protection to
millions of undocumented families currently in the United States. But
for those who are already
torn apart and who try to return to the United States “as an act of
love for their families,” as Bush put it last year, there is no legal
recourse.
A
Human Rights Watch (HRW) analysis of apprehensions at the border from
2011 to 2012 found that U.S. immigration agents detained and summarily
deported more than 100,000
parents of more than 200,000 U.S. citizen children in those two years
alone. Fewer than 10 percent of the parents of U.S. citizen children
apprehended by border agents were allowed a hearing before an
immigration judge at which they could potentially make
claims about their family ties.
Marta
Garcia lived in the U.S. for more than 20 years and is married to a
U.S. citizen with whom she has three children. She left the U.S. in 2013
to care for her dying
mother in Mexico, thinking that she could reenter the country legally
since her application to gain legal status through her husband was
pending.
States
may not expel one or both parents for administrative immigration
offenses, as the child’s right to family life is sacrificed in an
unreasonable or excessive manner.
“They
put me in jail and didn’t let me speak,” she told HRW, recalling how
border agents treated her when she returned. “They didn't let me defend
myself.” She was ultimately
deported.
Even
parents apprehended inside the U.S. have limited opportunities to cite
family unity in deportation hearings. For example, a broad range of
criminal convictions, including
minor offenses that result in little or no prison time, can lead to
deportations without any consideration of familial ties, even for
authorized permanent residents.
There
are 4.1 million U.S. citizen children living with an undocumented
parent today. The Pew Hispanic Center has found that 13 percent of
California’s high school students
have at least one undocumented parent. For these children, their
citizenship status does not guarantee that their parents are not at risk
of removal and it certainly doesn’t ensure that their needs and right
to family would be considered in any removal proceedings.
The
right to family unity is a fundamental human right incorporated in both
domestic law and international human rights treaties. Last year in an
advisory opinion, the
Inter-American Court of Human Rights, which promotes and upholds basic
rights and freedoms in the Americas, ruled that “States may not expel
one or both parents for administrative immigration offenses, as the
child’s right to family life is sacrificed in an
unreasonable or excessive manner.”
There
has been no shortage of unreasonable and excessive proposals on
immigration during this campaign season. For those making political
pronouncements deciding the fate
of millions of families, a little dose of reality, as well as greater
concern for “family values,” could go a long way.
Brian Root is a quantitative analyst at Human Rights Watch.
Clara Long is a researcher with the U.S. program at Human Rights Watch.
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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