ThinkProgress
By Esther Lee
September 28, 2015
House
Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) is the favorite to succeed John
Boehner (R-OH) after his surprise resignation as the House Speaker last
week. The appointment
of McCarthy, who represents a heavily Latino district, to preside over a
more radically conservative Republican caucus could have implications
for immigration reform.
McCarthy’s
district encompasses the agriculture powerhouses of Kern and Tulare
counties, which produced $3 billion annually in crops like “cotton,
citrus, grapes, stone
fruits, pistachios, wine grapes, almonds, olives, tomatoes, onions,
garlic, carrots, alfalfa, cattle and sheep,” according to his website.
His district is also about 35 percent Latino, and employs a massive
number of farmworkers. Grower and labor union statistics
suggest it’s possible that upwards of 70 percent of all farmworkers in
the country are undocumented.
Yet
McCarthy has so far maintained a strict opposition to immigration
reform. As the highest-ranking House member, McCarthy’s
immigration-restrictionist stance could hurt
the Republican Party, especially as Latinos amass more voting power and
the demographics of this country shift towards a majority-minority
nation.
On
his website, McCarthy takes a hard-line approach, stating that he would
not support so-called “amnesty,” that the government should focus on
securing the border first,
and that “illegal immigrants are not receiving any of the benefits that
are reserved for American Citizens.” He supported legal status for some
undocumented immigrants last year, but refused to take up comprehensive
immigration reform on a House floor vote
as recently as March 2015.
But
the political climate might force a change. Numerous polls indicate
that immigration is a very important topic for at least 63 percent of
Latino voters because they
personally know an undocumented immigrant.
Without
movement on federal immigration reform, Latino voters will instead vote
for candidates who aren’t actively campaigning on a mass deportation
platform. Latino votes
will likely play a crucial role in the 2016 presidential race: roughly
66,000 eligible Latino voters turn 18 years old every month, or one
every 30 seconds. About 11.2 million Latino voters turned out for the
2012 general election, but it’s expected that more
Latinos will vote in 2016, particularly spurred on by the
anti-immigrant rhetoric espoused by some Republican candidates. A Latino
Decisions report found that the GOP would need the votes of anywhere
between 42 percent and 52 percent of the Latino vote to
win a majority of the general election.
In
order to find common ground with future eligible voters, as the GOP has
said it needs to do, McCarthy will need to bring a House floor vote on
issues that reflect an
increasingly majority-minority country, meaning that population growth
comes mainly from immigration and that there have been fewer births and
more deaths among whites.
McCarthy’s
own state is perhaps a good model for how Republican voters have
adapted to their majority-minority population. About 61 percent of
Californian Republicans
favor a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, a route that
would include paying penalties, learning English, and undergoing a
criminal background check. Decades after the passage of the
anti-immigration law known as Proposition 187, the state passed
bills that would make life easier for undocumented immigrants,
including allowing some to have in-state tuition, receive driver’s
licenses, and get limited healthcare access.
At
least three other congressional Republicans representing similar,
immigrant-heavy districts rooted in the agricultural industry, David
Valadao, Jeff Denham, and Devin
Nunes, embrace broad immigration changes.
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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