Los Angeles Times
By Kate Linthicum
September 17, 2015
Illegal immigration is always a sizzling topic on Tony Beam's conservative call-in radio show in this small Bible Belt city.
"Usually
all I have to do is say the word and the phones start ringing," Beam
said. Sure enough, the lines lighted up on a recent morning when he
mentioned a proposal
by Republican presidential candidate Ben Carson to offer work permits
to immigrants in the country illegally.
"You have to deport them," seethed a caller named Alex, who dubbed Carson's proposal weak. "They're changing our country."
As
Wednesday night's debate showed, such hard-line views among
conservative voters have created a stark divide among GOP presidential
candidates, most of whom will head
here Friday for a forum sponsored by the conservative group Heritage
Action.
Many
Republican leaders had moved to the right on immigration even before
Donald Trump made the issue the centerpiece of his campaign. Those who
opt for more moderate
approaches have faced backlash from the party base.
But
while Republicans must answer to far-right voters now, they also face a
future electoral force — one just coming into focus in parts of
Greenville, a city of about
60,000 nestled in the foothills of the Blue Ridge Mountains.
In
some neighborhoods here, strip malls have been transformed by cafes,
carnicerias (meat markets) and hair salons catering to the region's
rapidly growing Latino population,
which increased 866% between 1990 and 2013.
South
Carolina's upstate region, where Greenville is located, is a microcosm
of the dramatic demographic shift happening across the country, where an
estimated 28 million
Latinos will be eligible to vote in next year's presidential election.
Although
Latinos here and elsewhere share many conservative social values with
Republicans, their support for a fix to an immigration system widely
viewed as broken is
in conflict with a conservative constituency that largely opposes
citizenship for immigrants in the country illegally. How Republicans
negotiate the competing pressures could determine the outcome of the
party's primary and the 2016 general election.
The
conflict was visible during the Republican debate, in which Carson, Jeb
Bush and Marco Rubio cautiously sought to put some distance between the
harsh immigration proposals
that have dominated Trump's presidential campaign and their own softer
approaches.
"I
want to build a wall — a wall that works," said Trump, who has called
for mass deportations and vowed to stop issuing birthright citizenship to children born to mothers
in the country without legal status.
"To
build a wall, and to deport people ... would cost hundreds of billions
of dollars," Bush countered. "It would destroy community life; it would
tear families apart."
The Republican Party cannot continue to be seen as anti-Hispanic, or it'll eventually be voted out of here.
- The Rev. Jim Goodroe, a South Carolina Republican who supports a path to citizenship
It
was the kind of overture that Republicans like the Rev. Jim Goodroe,
the missions director for a network of Southern Baptist churches in
upstate South Carolina, would
like to hear more of.
"The
Republican Party cannot continue to be seen as anti-Hispanic, or it'll
eventually be voted out of here," said Goodroe, whose network includes
dozens of Latino churches
and who supports a path to citizenship for the estimated 11 million
immigrants in the country illegally.
But
moderate proposals on immigration — including Bush's plan to offer
legal status but not citizenship to many in the U.S. illegally — turn
off conservative party activists
like Kerry Wood, who helped found a tea party group in nearby
Spartanburg.
"If
somebody's not willing to support our border, there's no way I'm voting
for them," said Wood, who is leaning toward voting for Trump in South
Carolina's important
early primary in March.
Wood,
who supported a state law that allowed police officers to check the
immigration status of people they stopped, said conservatives wouldn't
need to worry about the
Latino vote if they took a stronger position on immigration. "If they
were to give the base what they wanted, they'd turn out in huge
numbers," Wood said.
After
Republican nominee Mitt Romney lost the 2012 election to President
Obama, Republican leaders wrote a postmortem that called for broadening
the party's appeal to
Latinos, many of whom are religious and embrace conservative social
beliefs.
In
upstate South Carolina, where many Latinos speak English with a
Southern drawl, both parties have reached out to Latino leaders about
grooming future candidates, even
though Latinos still make up only 2% of the state's eligible voters.
But polls show Republicans' intransigence on immigration has turned many
Latinos away from the GOP.
It's
a dilemma faced by 28-year-old Eric Guerrero. An evangelical Christian
who plays the guitar at a weekly Spanish-language worship service,
Guerrero says he shares
many Republican values. He voted for John McCain in 2008 and Romney in
2012 largely because he disagrees with Democrats on abortion and gay
marriage.
But
Trump's anti-immigrant rhetoric this summer has Guerrero, who was born
in Mexico and became a U.S. citizen as a teenager, in a state of limbo.
"I have family who is not legal," he said. "It's hard if you're Hispanic, because you don't want to go against your people."
Ivan
Segura, president of the Council of Mexicans in the Carolinas, an
advocacy group, says he believes immigrants are being scapegoated by
Republicans like Trump in order
to win votes.
"They're
trying to secure their base, even if that means they're going to have
to get out and make the immigrants look like the devil," Segura said.
In
this conservative part of the country, where as of this summer the
Confederate flag no longer flies outside the State House but
"American-owned" signs hang in store
windows, anyone seen as sympathetic to immigrants in the country
without legal status faces potential blowback.
Just
ask Lindsey Graham, the South Carolina senator and presidential
candidate who faced six challengers for his reelection last year and
taunts of "Grahamnesty" after
he helped write a bill that would have provided a path to citizenship for some of those in the country illegally.
"There's
definitely anxiety," said Beam, the conservative talk show host.
"Hispanics coming into America are willing to work for less and
Americans are threatened by that."
But,
as Beam acknowledged, Latinos are a demographic that Republicans may
not be able to ignore, with some 800,000 Latinos turning 18 every year.
"If we end up as a political
party with single digits of the Hispanic vote ... going forward, that's
going to have a huge impact on electability," he said.
Yolanda
Pardo, a legal permanent resident from Colombia who runs a small store
in Greenville, one of 6,000 Latino-owned businesses in the state, said
her 17-year-old U.S.
citizen daughter will be eligible to vote for the first time next year.
"She's
already said she's voting for Hillary," said Pardo, who hopes to become
a naturalized citizen so she can also vote for Clinton, the Democratic
front-runner.
Although
Latinos may not have the ear of candidates now, that will change in
time, she said: "We're going to have a bigger voice."
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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