New York Times
By Jeremy Peters
October 21, 2014
New
Hampshire has one of the smallest populations of illegal immigrants in
the country. Only about 5 percent of its 1.3 million residents are
foreign-born, and 3 percent
are Hispanic.
But
tune into the Senate race between Scott P. Brown, the Republican, and
Jeanne Shaheen, the Democratic incumbent, and you might think the state
shares a border with
Mexico, not Canada.
When
someone called a talk radio show to ask Mr. Brown about global warming
the other day, Mr. Brown immediately started talking about border
security. “Let me tell you
what I believe is a clear and present danger right now,” he said,
brushing aside the caller’s concerns about the environment. “I believe
that our border is porous.”
Footage
of agents patrolling the rocky, arid Southwestern landscape is featured
in Mr. Brown’s ads — not quite the piney highlands of New Hampshire.
A
political group led by prominent conservatives like John R. Bolton, the
former United States ambassador to the United Nations, attacked Ms.
Shaheen last week with a
video that juxtaposed two alarming images: a horde of people rushing a
fence, presumably along the Mexican border, and a clip of Islamic
militants right before they beheaded the journalist James Foley, a New
Hampshire native. The ad was pulled after the Foley
family complained.
Republicans
have long relied on illegal immigration to rally the conservative base,
even if the threat seemed more theoretical than tangible in most of the
country. But
in several of this year’s midterm Senate campaigns — including Arkansas
and Kansas, as well as New Hampshire — Republicans’ stance on
immigration is posing difficult questions about what the party wants to
be in the longer term.
Some
Republicans are questioning the cost of their focus on immigration.
Campaigning on possible threats from undocumented immigrants — similar
to claims that President
Obama and the Democrats have left the country vulnerable to attacks
from Islamic terrorists and the Ebola virus — may backfire after
November. At that point, the party will have to start worrying about its
appeal beyond the conservative voters it needs to
turn out in midterm elections.
“You
should never underestimate the ability of the Republicans to screw
something up and blow an ideal opportunity,” said Ralph Reed, an
influential conservative who has
battled with hard-line Republicans to take a more charitable view on
immigration.
“There
is a sense in which, I think, the overwhelming desire to gain control
of the Senate has kind of so fixated the party’s strategic brain trust
that trying to get
a hearing on long-term strategic issues doesn’t seem to be possible at
the moment,” he said.
Still,
immigration could be important to voters in states that do not have
significant immigrant populations, and that seems to be the calculation
of the campaign of Mr.
Brown and others.
Much
of the harsh talk on immigration today may have to do with simple math.
In the states that Republicans need to win to retake the Senate,
Hispanics are a sliver of
the electorate. Nationally, they make up 11 percent of eligible voters.
But in the eight states with close Senate races, fewer than 5 percent
of eligible voters are Latino, according to a new Pew Research report.
Colorado
is the only state with a competitive Senate race where Hispanics make
up a significant share of the electorate — 14 percent. As a result,
Republicans there have
steered clear of making immigration policy an issue. Faced with polling
that showed immigration could help Representative Cory Gardner, the
Republican Senate nominee, strategists there still decided not to focus
on it.
Instead,
the Republican-leaning U.S. Chamber of Commerce is running ads in
Spanish in Colorado featuring Jeb Bush, the former Florida governor and
possible 2016 presidential
candidate.
In
Kansas, where Hispanics account for 6 percent of eligible voters, the
opposite scene is unfolding. The campaign of Senator Pat Roberts, a
Republican, has been running
an ad reminiscent of the infamous 1994 spot by Gov. Pete Wilson of
California that showed immigrants racing across a busy highway to enter
the country illegally. Mr. Roberts’ ad depicts two shadowy figures
climbing a fence. “Illegal immigration is threatening
our communities and taking jobs away from Kansans who need them,” the
announcer says.
Opposition
to the immigration bill that passed the Senate last year (and has
languished in the House since) has become a focal point for many
Republican candidates who
denounce any “amnesty.” And the split between Republicans who support
an overhaul and those who do not has led to some awkward moments on the
campaign trail.
In
New Hampshire, Mr. Brown slammed the Senate bill as too lenient just
hours before Senator Marco Rubio, the Florida Republican who helped
write the legislation, went
to campaign for him.
In
North Carolina, Thom Tillis, the Republican Senate nominee, held a
campaign rally with Mr. Bush at the end of September. But after Mr. Bush
made the case for an immigration
overhaul, Mr. Tillis quickly tried to put distance between them,
saying, “You have to make it clear that amnesty shouldn’t be on the
table.”
Republicans who want to see a broad-based immigration overhaul say the debate is unhelpful.
“Those
that support the status quo are supporting amnesty,” said Scott Reed,
the senior political strategist for the Chamber of Commerce. “And we
hope this election is
about leadership and governing, instead of all talk, no action.”
It
is not just Republican candidates who are focusing on immigration to
the concern of many in the party, but outside groups. Citizens United,
the conservative political
organization, is running ads in states like Arkansas attacking
Democrats for being too easy on people who entered the country
illegally.
“Mark
Pryor voted against building a border fence? What was he thinking?”
says one commercial from the Citizens United Political Victory Fund that
goes after the Democratic
senator who is fighting to hang on to his seat.
David
Bossie, president of Citizens United, said the issue of immigration was
resonating at the moment because of how it played into the broader
notion that the government
was failing on a number of fronts, from fighting the Islamic State to
responding to Ebola. “Can we trust the government to secure the border?”
Mr. Bossie asked.
As
for any long-term damage Republicans could suffer by alienating
Hispanics, Mr. Bossie said, “I don’t go through life trying to calculate
every single possible way things
can and can’t go, because that’s an incredibly negative, jaded way to
do things.”
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