Washington Post (Wonkblog)
By Jim Tankersley
August 31, 2015
After
losing the 2012 presidential election, Republican Party leaders vowed
to craft a message they thought would be more in tune with the middle
class, promising to deliver
faster economic growth and to help all workers, not just the very rich.
The message was built on the bedrock GOP notion that the primary enemy
of the American economy is an oversized and overreaching federal
government.
But
those careful plans have hit a large and brash-talking obstacle in the
form of current Republican front-runner Donald J. Trump.
Trump’s
surging campaign has pushed the party in a different direction, one
that often clashes with free-market principles that have long
underpinned GOP economic policy.
Some establishment Republicans worry that the turn could damage the
economy, and their party, for years to come.
Trump
criticizes government, but he shot to the top of the GOP field by
rallying voters against another enemy: immigrants from Mexico and
low-wage workers in China, whom
he blames for lost jobs and stagnant wages in America. He has proposed
levying tariffs on imported goods, deporting millions of immigrants who
entered America illegally and reducing the number of legal immigrants
allowed in each year. In a further blow against
conservative orthodoxy, he has said in recent interviews that he favors
higher taxes on the rich and on investment income.
Critics,
including many leading conservative economists in Washington, call
Trump’s plans “nativist,” “protectionist” and incompatible with the
party’s core pro-market
beliefs. They also worry Trump’s ideas could spread to other GOP
contenders.
“This
is a very dangerous moment, I think, for the Republican Party,” said
Stephen Moore, a conservative economist and co-founder of the Committee
to Unleash Prosperity,
which has been meeting with candidates to urge them to adopt low-tax,
low-regulation policies to grow the economy.
“What
Trump is saying about trade and immigration is a political and economic
disaster,” Moore said. “He’s almost now making it cool and acceptable
to be nativist on immigration
and protectionist on trade. That’s destroying a lot of the progress
we’ve made as a party in the last 30 years.”
Asked
Monday to comment on the establishment concerns, Trump campaign
spokesman Hope Hicks said only that “we will release our policy paper(s)
in the coming weeks.”
Many
Republican candidates beyond Trump have voiced opposition to new
free-trade deals, including the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership being
negotiated by the Obama
administration with several Asian countries. While every GOP candidate
promises to secure the nation’s southern border and crack down on
illegal immigration, some are now expressing an openness to reducing
levels of legal immigration.
Free-market
economists have long argued that trade and immigration are critical to
growing the U.S. economy. Top Republicans have frequently adopted those
beliefs.
But
a growing portion of the conservative base -- and, to a lesser extent,
the country as a whole -- now blames American workers’ economic woes on
competition from illegal
immigrants and from low-skilled foreign factory workers abroad.
In
a 2014 Public Religion Research Institute survey, 57 percent of
Republicans said immigrants mostly hurt the economy by driving down
wages, compared with 33 percent
who said they help by providing low-cost labor. The nation as a whole
split evenly on the question.
This
year, the Pew Research Center found Republicans were evenly split on
whether trade agreements helped or hurt their families; Americans in
general were slightly more
likely to say they had helped. Majorities of Republicans -- and
pluralities of all Americans -- said trade deals lowered American
workers’ wages and led to job losses in the United States.
Appealing
to those sentiments is one way for GOP candidates to deliver on a
promise they’ve been collectively making since the start of the
campaign: to offer relief to
American workers who have not only struggled through the Great
Recession and its aftermath, but have seen their incomes stagnate over
the past quarter-century.
That
appeal is one that many conservatives, increasingly angry at GOP
leadership, have embraced, and that they believe is a political and
economic winner.
“It
just defies the common sense of any nonpolitical person in this country
that importing large amounts of low-skilled, indigent people to this
country is a road to prosperity,”
said Daniel Horowitz, a senior editor at Conservative Review who writes
frequently about immigration issues. Politically, he said, “I
understand a tough issue when I see one -- maybe getting rid of Head
Start, abolishing the minimum wage. This ain’t a tough
issue.”
Rich
Lowry, the editor of the conservative National Review, wrote in a
recent Politico column: “It’s almost as if invoking the interests of
America’s workers in the context
of immigration is a faux pas that leads to a blackballing by whatever
is the Chamber of Commerce’s equivalent of Skull and Bones. Trump has
stomped all over this misbegotten piety, and good for him.”
Some
of Trump’s rivals, such as Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin and Sen. Ted
Cruz of Texas, have praised his immigration focus. In a recent radio
interview, Cruz said Trump
was drawing attention to “the enormous downward pressure on wages and
employment that unrestrained illegal immigration is providing.”
Others,
such as former Florida governor Jeb Bush, have simultaneously pushed
for tighter border security and extolled the economic benefits of
immigrants. In the party’s
first official debate earlier this month in Cleveland, Bush pledged to
fix the nation’s immigration system “once and for all so that we can
turn this into a driver for high sustained economic growth.”
So-called
Reform Conservatives have been pushing candidates to embrace targeted
tax relief for working families and innovative, market-oriented
solutions to problems such
as the rising costs of health care and higher education.
Traditional
supply-side thinkers, including Moore and the other founders of his
group -- economist Arthur Laffer, former presidential candidate Steve
Forbes and conservative
commentator Larry Kudlow -- have urged candidates to flatten tax rates
and reduce regulations to unleash faster economic growth.
Trump
has won some praise from members of those groups; for example, Laffer
said in an interview that he enjoys how Trump tells voters, “‘I’m rich
and I love it!’ And
he’s not ashamed of it!”
But
Laffer and many other economists oppose Trump’s trade and immigration
proposals, which they say would dampen economic growth. (They also
oppose any moves to raise
top income tax rates or taxes on investment). Moore notes that the last
Republican president to erect large tariff barriers was Herbert Hoover,
and that the results worsened the Great Depression.
Business
groups, in particular, want GOP candidates to talk more about rolling
back regulations, lowering tax rates, forging new trade agreements and
reforming the immigration
system to allow workers who arrived illegally to have a path to legal
status.
“We
aren’t hearing enough about policies that are going to grow the
economy,” said Chad Moutray, the chief economist at the National
Association of Manufacturers. “We
need policies that really ... allow manufacturers to grow in new
markets, hire more people, and we aren’t hearing all these things right
now.”
Some
conservative thinkers say they’re convinced the candidates will
eventually work their way back to debating tax, regulatory and other
economic issues, before Iowans
caucus and New Hampshire voters go to the polls.
“It
has temporarily deferred the serious debates that are going to come on
other issues,” said Doug Holtz-Eakin, an economist who was chief policy
adviser to 2008 GOP
nominee John McCain. Laffer said he doesn’t worry too much about
candidates shifting focus: “I cool my jets,” he said. “I just take a
deep breath.”
Arthur
Brooks, president of the conservative American Enterprise Institute
think tank, said he was impressed thus far that “the Republican field is
sounding less like
tax accountants for billionaires and more like leaders who are chomping
at the bit to fight for ordinary people and their families.”
Asked
about Trump, he said it was only natural that “early in the campaign,
candidates are seeking to capture attention by channeling the worries of
their most intense
supporters.” But he predicted that voters would ultimately gravitate
toward a more optimistic economic message. “Any candidate on either side
who gets sucked into an arms race of competing pessimisms,” he said,
“will be hurting themselves and their party.”
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