Los Angeles Times
By David G. Savage
November 19, 2014
First
a year ago, President Obama was among those who doubted he had the
power to halt deportations of millions of immigrants living in the
country illegally.
Asked
in a 2013 Telemundo interview whether he would heed calls to expand his
deportation-deferral program to include more immigrants, Obama said,
"If we start broadening that, then essentially
I would be ignoring the law in a way that I think would be very
difficult to defend legally, so that's not an option."
Now
Obama is poised to announce what it is likely to be his most ambitious
and controversial plan to address the immigration issue, offering
temporary reprieve from deportation to as many
as 5 million additional immigrants.
Details have not been announced, but Republicans are already calling the president's plans illegal and beyond his authority.
President
Obama is poised to announce what it is likely to be his most ambitious
and controversial plan to address the immigration issue, offering
temporary reprieve from deportation to as
many as 5 million additional immigrants.
Although
the program is likely to push the limits of presidential power,
immigration law experts predict opponents will have a hard time stopping
him. Courts have historically given the executive
branch broad leeway to decide how to enforce deportation laws for the
estimated 11 million immigrants living and working in the country
without legal status.
The
administration is expected to present the plan as a temporary shift in
the government's policy for enforcing deportation — which is widely seen
as within the president's authority — as
opposed to a change in immigration law or a path to citizenship.
UCLA law professor Hiroshi Motomura has been a leading voice for the view that enforcement policy is entrusted to the president.
"He
cannot change the rules for granting permanent resident status or
putting noncitizens on a path to citizenship," Motomura said. "But he
has the legal authority to set priorities for enforcement."
That may include giving "temporary reprieves to a significant number of
unauthorized migrants."
It's
a power that has been used by most presidents over the last 70 years.
President Kennedy shielded Cubans who arrived on U.S. shores. President
George H.W. Bush, building on similar executive
action taken by President Reagan, shielded an estimated 1.5 million
children and spouses of immigrants who'd been granted amnesty under a
1986 law. Both presidents acted alone after Congress declined to include
the immigrants' family members.
"That
is a strikingly close parallel to what President Obama is considering,"
said Stephen Legomsky, a law professor at Washington University in St.
Louis and former chief counsel for immigration
at the Department of Homeland Security.
The
Supreme Court ruled two years ago that the executive branch had "broad
discretion" in setting deportation policies. The case involved a
confrontation between Arizona officials and the
Obama administration over the state's plan to arrest immigrants who
were living there illegally. To the surprise of state officials, the
high court, including Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr., declared that
Obama had the power to block Arizona's strict enforcement
plan.
Although
only Congress can decide who can become a citizen, the justices said,
the executive branch decides whom to deport among the millions in the
nation illegally.
"The
principal feature of the removal [deportation] system is the broad
discretion exercised by immigration officials," including the power to
decide "whether it makes sense to pursue removal
at all," Justice Anthony M. Kennedy said.
Obama
has refused to discuss the details of his pending executive action, but
he denied last week that he had switched his views in the last year.
"My position hasn't changed," he said.
But
asked whether Obama stood by his comments to Telemundo, White House
spokesman Josh Earnest said Tuesday that the president had subsequently
solicited legal advice from the Justice Department
about what he could do.
"Obviously,
there are some things that have changed in this," Earnest said. "We
have been in a situation where the president has ordered a broader,
in-depth review of the existing law to determine
what sort of executive authority does rest with the presidency to
determine what kinds of steps he could take on his own."
Obama said last week that he could make a change that "falls within the realm of prosecutorial discretion."
This
refers to the familiar idea that those who enforce the law cannot
pursue every lawbreaker. No one expects police officers to stop and
ticket every motorist they observe driving faster
than the posted speed limit. Federal drug agents regularly choose to go
after those who deal heroin or cocaine and not those who possess
marijuana, even though both are illegal under the same anti-narcotics
law.
Those
urging Obama to act say the government has no choice but to engage in
selective enforcement, noting that Congress has only provided enough
money to deport about 400,000 immigrants per
year. The Obama administration says it focuses deportation on gang
members, terrorism suspects and criminals such as smugglers.
But
critics argue that a president's enforcement discretion should be
limited to individuals and case-by-case decisions — not used as an
end-run around Congress to implement broad changes
that exempt large groups.
"Only
Congress can decide which large categories of immigrants can be
admitted," said Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies for the
conservative Center for Immigration Studies in Washington.
If the president suspends enforcement against "a huge class" of
immigrants, she said, that is "not truly prosecutorial discretion, but
an abuse of executive authority."
Congressional
Republicans liken the president's actions to amnesty. By also offering
immigrants work permits, critics say, Obama is trying to implement an
immigration overhaul without Congress.
"The
president does not have the authority to amend, suspend and rewrite our
immigration laws," said House Judiciary Committee Chairman Robert W.
Goodlatte (R-Va.).
Though
the Senate passed a bipartisan immigration bill in 2013, the House has
refused to act, mainly because Republicans remain deeply divided on the
issue.
But even some immigration experts who served in Democratic administrations are wary of a broad shift in enforcement policy.
"There
is a lot of gray area" in the immigration laws, said University of
Virginia law professor David Martin, who worked in the Clinton and Obama
administrations. While the executive branch
has a "fairly wide scope" for enforcing the law, a policy that shields
large groups of immigrants "starts to sound like lawmaking. It would
skate to the very edge of the president's discretion if he were to
exempt a very large group from enforcement," Martin
said.
In
2012, Obama launched a deportation-deferral program called Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, which has granted relief to 680,000
immigrants, the so-called Dreamers, who were brought
to the U.S. illegally as children.
Legal
challenges to the program failed. Two years ago, U.S. immigration agent
Chris Crane and the governor of Mississippi sued in federal court in
Dallas to challenge Obama's deferred action order, pointing to a law that says all arriving immigrants should be
held for deportation. They contended the president's
deportation-deferral order for the children was illegal.
Even
though the judge said the claim was "likely to succeed" on its merits,
he dismissed the lawsuit on the grounds that neither the state nor the
immigration officers had legal standing to
contest the issue. Experts say opponents of Obama's next move on
immigration will encounter similar difficulties in pressing a legal
case.
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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