Wall Street Journal
By Beth Reinhard and Dan Frosch
November 2, 2014
AURORA,
Colo.—With its pockets of immigrants and young families, this growing
city outside Denver symbolizes the demographic winds that seemed to be
pushing Colorado and similar states into
the Democratic fold.
That
drift this year appears more tenuous, making Colorado a test case of
voter sentiment in an important swing state. Recent fights over gun
control, same-sex unions, immigration, marijuana,
fracking and the death penalty have left some voters exhausted—and more
skeptical of the Democrats who lead the state.
The
tumult here in recent years helps explain why the state appears to be
veering back to the political middle at a time when President Barack
Obama ’s unpopularity also weighs on his party.
Results
in two big statewide races Tuesday could serve as a warning for
Democrats in other states that seem to be moving from red to blue in
presidential elections.
Polls
show Democratic Sen. Mark Udall trailing Republican Rep. Cory Gardner
in a race that could help flip the Senate to the GOP. And Democratic
Gov. John Hickenlooper, who won in 2010 despite
a GOP wave in most other states, is running neck and neck with
Republican Bob Beauprez.
A
heated race for Senate between Sen. Mark Udall and Rep. Cory Gardner is
a test case for whether Democrats or Republicans have what it takes to
win the 2016 presidential race. The WSJ’s Sara
Murray reports from the Centennial State.
“There
is sort of a political exhaustion here, and it is hurting Democrats,”
said Floyd Ciruli, a veteran nonpartisan pollster in Denver. “There is
this yearning for the middle, but Democratic
candidates have wound up not in the middle.”
On
top of that, casino gambling and the labeling of genetically modified
foods are also on the state ballot, as is a “personhood” proposal that
would outlaw most abortions and some types of
birth control—for the third time since 2008.
Mr.
Udall and his Democratic allies have spent millions of dollars on TV
ads battering Mr. Gardner for backing personhood. Mr. Gardner says he no
longer supports personhood, though he remains
listed as co-sponsor of a federal bill that critics say would have the
same impact.
All
the commotion has left Felicia Mullison, a 50-year-old independent
voter, more wary than ever of both parties—and unsure of whom to vote
for this year.
“It’s
been crazy. There’s been so much noise,” said Ms. Mullison, a marketing
consultant who was working one afternoon out of a coffee shop just
south of Aurora. “Everyone else will have to
deal with what we’re dealing with eventually, but I don’t necessarily
like that we’re the first.”
The
Senate and gubernatorial re-election battles—among the most competitive
and expensive in the country—are playing out in a state that is growing
younger, less rural and more diverse, all
forces thought to play to the Democrats’ strengths.
The
Denver metropolitan area was the country’s top destination for people
aged 25 to 34 moving between 2008 and 2010, according to an analysis by
demographer William Frey. Rural counties that
lean GOP have lost residents, while counties along the populous Front
Range have grown, state data shows. At the same time, the Hispanic
population rose nearly 25% since 2005.
Democrats
have controlled both chambers of the legislature and the governor’s
mansion for eight of the past 10 years. Still, the electorate is roughly
divided into thirds, with slightly more
registered Republicans than Democrats, while even more choose neither
party. The recent political turmoil appears to have left those in the
middle frustrated with state leaders.
Voters
approved the recreational sale of marijuana in 2012, but other
controversial policy changes in recent years were spawned by the
Democratic-led legislature: tuition discounts for students
in the country illegally, driver’s licenses for illegal immigrants, and
same-sex civil unions. The mass shooting at an Aurora movie theater in
2012 led to laws mandating background checks for gun purchases and
limits on magazine clips.
Morgan
Carroll, the state Senate Democratic president and a longtime Aurora
resident, has been knocking on doors for weeks hoping to protect her
chamber’s one-seat Democratic majority. Bipartisan
legislation to strengthen the social safety net and create jobs has
been eclipsed by the controversies over guns and the drilling technique
known as fracking, she said. “It’s such a toxic, negative environment,
and the effect may be that people check out,
and that could hurt Democrats more,” she said.
Aurora
is a blend of immigrant enclaves where family-owned restaurants offer
ethnic fare ranging from papusas to pho. But even here, in the heart of a
redrawn congressional district viewed
as a likely Democratic pickup, Republican Rep. Mike Coffman has run a
competitive re-election campaign.
On
a recent Sunday, the Mosaic Church of Aurora held a picnic where the
Mexican, Korean and white pastors chatted while balancing plates of rice
balls and macaroni salad. Sitting in a folding
chair, Deb Shaw talked about one of the biggest problems for Democrats
going into Tuesday’s vote: President Barack Obama’s approval rating has
fallen to 40% in the state where he claimed the nomination in 2008. Ms.
Shaw was there at Invesco Field that day,
and wept over the promise of racial progress and change. Six years
later, she said she is disappointed in Mr. Obama’s “wussy” leadership
and unenthused by the Democrats at the top of the state ticket.
“I
think Udall has become too removed,” she said, despite the senator’s
efforts to distance himself from Mr. Obama and Washington.
Some Republicans cautioned against reading too much into whatever happens Tuesday.
“At
best, it’s a purple state,” said Colorado-based GOP strategist Rich
Beeson, who served as 2012 Republican nominee Mitt Romney ’s political
director. “No one is going to say our problem
with Hispanics is solved if Cory Gardner wins. The turnout in the
midterm isn’t going to be anywhere near what presidential turnout is
going to be.”
One
longtime bellwether is Jefferson County, a sprawling patchwork of
suburbs that stretches from Denver’s edge to the foothills of the
Rockies. Once viewed as a right-leaning, middle class
counter to neighboring Denver’s progressive streak, the county has
grown more Hispanic and liberal as younger voters have trickled into
older communities like Edgewater and Arvada.
Still, unaffiliated voters outnumber Democrats and Republicans, and often seesaw come election time.
Enno
Fritz, 62, supported Mr. Udall and Mr. Hickenlooper in the past after
being drawn to their centrism. But now he is leaning toward the GOP.
Mr.
Fritz, who imports coffee machines for restaurants, said while he
appreciated how Mr. Hickenlooper sought to forge compromises on oil and
gas development, he didn’t like his handling of
the gun bills. Mr. Udall, he said, has talked too much about Mr.
Gardner’s opposition to abortion and not enough about terrorism and the
deficit.
“I
was planning to vote for Udall, but I changed my mind because he’s only
talking about one thing. He’s not talked about anything he has done for
the last four years,” Mr. Fritz said.
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