Think Progress
By Esther Yu-Hsi Lee
March 29, 2016
Leading
Republican presidential candidates Donald Trump and Ted Cruz have both
come out with harsh anti-immigrant proposals to toughen border security,
deport undocumented immigrants, and
restrict certain immigrants from entering the United States. Trump in
particular has used inflammatory rhetoric to stoke fears about
immigrants, calling them “rapists” and “drug dealers” and suggesting
they may be a security threat.
But,
according to a new report from the nonpartisan Public Religion Research
Institute (PRRI), many Republican voters may not actually agree with
those sentiments.
As
part of its 2015 American Values Atlas survey, PRRI found that a slim
majority of young Republican voters between the ages of 18 and 29 — 51
percent — believe that “the increasing number
of newcomers to the country strengthens American culture and way of
life.” There’s a generational divide when it comes to this subject; only
22 percent of Republican seniors believe that recent immigrants
strengthen American society.
There’s
a similar contrast among white evangelical Protestants, “a key part of
the Republican base,” according to the PRRI report. About 55 percent of
young white evangelicals surveyed said
that immigrants strengthen the country, while 57 percent of white
evangelical seniors said that immigrants are more likely to threaten the
country.
The
data also found that those who belong to religiously unaffiliated,
non-Christian religious traditions, as well as non-white Christians,
hold the most positive views of immigrants. White
Christians expressed “substantially more ambivalence about immigrants,”
with 45 percent of Mormons, 44 percent of white Catholics, and 41
percent of white mainline Protestants stating that immigrants strengthen
the country.
“The
study is a good reminder that the conversation that’s happening around
immigration…for the leading candidates on the Republican side is not one
that’s very representative of the general
public opinion, or even younger Republican voters as well,” Dr. Robert
P. Jones, CEO of the Public Religion Research Institute, told
ThinkProgress. “Particularly anti-immigrant conversations that make the
argument that immigrants are a threat are less likely
to resonate among younger Republican voters, or even younger
evangelical voters, for that matter.”
The
survey also found that across political parties, six out of ten
Americans think undocumented immigrants should be given a way to adjust
their legal status and a pathway to citizenship.
South Dakota was the only state in which a majority of voters did not
support a path to citizenship for immigrants.
The
report was based on more than 42,000 interviews conducted between April
2015 and early January 2016. During that time period, both Trump and
Cruz have called to build up a border wall
along the southern U.S.-Mexico border and to repeal the 14th Amendment,
a demand that would mean people born to foreign parents in America
would no longer automatically become U.S. citizens. Trump publicly
called to ban all Muslims from entering the United
States, while Cruz commended him for bringing the issue to the general
public. And Trump promised to deport undocumented immigrants and let the
“really good people” back into the country, while Cruz said that he
would never give undocumented immigrants the
chance to come back to the country. Since the survey questions were
asked, both candidates have continued to staunchly defend these
anti-immigrant sentiments.
But
those attitudes have come at a cost. Some first-time Latino voters are
already rushing to register to vote against Trump and Cruz because
they’re turned off by the candidates’ anti-immigrant
platforms. As one Latino voter previously told ThinkProgress’ Alice
Ollstein, Trump “does not respect us. This is one of our motives for
going to fight, because we want to make sure he’s not elected.”
Latino
votes are crucial to the general election. A Latino Decisions poll
previously found that Republican presidential candidates may need
anywhere between 42 and 47 percent of the Latino
vote, especially in key battleground states like Virginia, Ohio, New
Mexico, Florida, Nevada, and Colorado. According to a GOP autopsy
report, which was released soon after Mitt Romney lost in 2012, the
future of the Republican party lies in making inroads
with minorities and embracing Latino voters.
Plus,
as younger Republicans become increasingly diverse, it’s possible that
anti-immigrant rhetoric may also turn off Republican voters in general.
Jones explained that while Republicans
over the age of 65 are overwhelmingly white and non-Hispanic, younger
Republicans are much less homogeneous.
“That
experience growing up with rubbing shoulders with a more diverse
generational cohort is also playing a role,” Jones said. “I think that
speaks to the importance of those conclusions
of that Republican autopsy report about why it’s important for the
party to reach out to a more diverse generation because even among their
own ranks, people are already identifying as Republican and it’s in
fact already becoming more diverse than the older
generation.”
Jones
said that Republicans who have taken a hard-line stance on immigration
will “have a particularly hard time” reaching younger voters and
independent voters who are more supportive of
a pathway to citizenship. He added that a federal immigration bill —
like the 2013 Senate-approved comprehensive immigration bill that
included a pathway to citizenship — could still be widely accepted by
Americans.
“The
real challenge is how to pivot back to the center, how to reach
independent voters, less ideological members of their own base,” Jones
added. “It’ll be quite a challenge to pivot from
things like building a wall or closing down immigration to certain
categories of people to a policy [supported by] mainstream Republicans.”
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