New York Times
(Editorial)
March 15, 2016
After
losing the presidential election in 2012, the Republican Party
leadership put together an “autopsy” report that examined the causes of
the defeat. It said that if the party is to win
in 2016, it needed to diversify its appeal, reach out to minorities,
“help everyone make it in America” and attack corporate malfeasance and
even C.E.O. bonuses. Donald Trump’s victories present those leaders with
a difficult choice.
The
party must decide whether to embrace him as its nearly inevitable
nominee and be defined — or even destroyed, as some conservatives
suggest — by his odious candidacy, or reject him in
hopes that one of his remaining competitors will make it to a brokered
convention.
Now
that Senator Marco Rubio has left the race, if the alternative to Mr.
Trump is the deeply unpopular Senator Ted Cruz, will that help the
G.O.P.’s presidential chances? Or will Gov. John
Kasich, who won his home state of Ohio, capture some momentum?
After
decades of pandering to intolerance while working against the needs of
working-class Americans and minorities, the Republican Party appears
headed for disaster. As its postmortem report
said, it didn’t have to be this way.
The
question now is, what will the candidates beaten by Mr. Trump, like Mr.
Rubio, do? Will they endorse the man they portrayed as a threat to the
nation, or take a more principled stand?
What are party leaders like Reince Priebus, the Republican National
Committee chairman, prepared to do?
For
Democrats, the remainder of the primary season will be less perilous.
While Hillary Clinton continues her march toward the nomination, the
weakness of her appeal among the young, independents,
men and some working-class voters cannot be ignored. Though she and her
campaign insist they have always envisioned a long, tough battle with
Bernie Sanders, they have been challenged in ways they could not have
expected. And Mr. Sanders has the drive, the
money and the delegates to stay in the race until the end. No matter
what happens, he will help determine the party’s future priorities.
Mr.
Sanders’s quixotic candidacy has not offered concrete ways to achieve
his goals with a Republican-controlled Congress, and he hasn’t been able
to win over enough African-American and
Latino voters. But he has managed to take aim at Mrs. Clinton’s weak
spots — like her paid speeches to Wall Street firms and her shifts in
position on issues like gay marriage, trade agreements and immigration —
to some effect. Some voters accuse her of saying
whatever it takes to win, and as she tacks to the left in response to
Mr. Sanders’s challenge, that perception may increase.
Still,
Mrs. Clinton’s strong performance Tuesday puts her even further out of
Mr. Sanders’s reach. But she has to do more than defeat him for the
nomination. Mr. Sanders’s success has been
as the voice of Democrats resentful of a party establishment that has
been too tepid in taking on issues like income inequality. She will have
to somehow connect with his supporters and show them she understands
them, particularly since some of them are potential
Republican voters come November.
This
has been said before: The surest path to winning over these skeptics is
to stop dodging some aspects of her record. That includes speaking with
greater detail and complete candor about
her changes on policy positions. Releasing transcripts from those Wall
Street speeches would be a great first step toward showing those who
want to support her that she is willing to earn their votes through
transparency. If she chooses not to do these things,
skeptical voters’ doubts are likely to linger, and deepen.
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