Los Angeles Times (Op-Ed)
By Hector Villagra
March 17, 2016
A
Department of Justice immigration judge recently made headlines for
testifying that 3- and 4-year-old migrant children could be taught
immigration law and could competently represent themselves
in court.
“You
can do a fair hearing,” said Judge Jack H. Weil. “[Children] get it.
It's not the most efficient, but it can be done.” He was testifying in a
deposition for a federal lawsuit brought
by the ACLU and other legal organizations to challenge the government's
failure to appoint counsel for children facing deportation.
Weil's
bosses promptly disavowed his comments, and he claimed his words had
been taken out of context. But don't be fooled. Weil is an assistant
chief immigration judge responsible for training
other judges on cases involving children. He is not just knowledgeable
about how young people are treated in immigration court, he facilitates
the process. His deposition unmasks the government's deplorable
position: Deportation hearings in which children
must defend themselves are not right, but they will continue.
As
it stands, a patchwork of federal and state programs fund counsel for
some migrant children through grants to nonprofit legal organizations.
Others get pro bono assistance from private
attorneys or the children's relatives pay for representation. But many
children simply aren't represented at all, even in cases where they may
be deported to countries where they could face violence and even death.
The
results are what you would expect. Children without lawyers were five
times more likely to be ordered deported in the nearly 53,000 cases
completed between October 2012 and August 2015.
In
those cases, 19,804 were not represented and ordered deported while
4,769 who had lawyers were also ordered to leave the country. Of those
children with lawyers, 24,933 were allowed to
remain in this country, and 3,345 who were unrepresented were also
allowed to stay. Nationwide, 64,000 children's cases are still pending.
When
U.S. Atty. Gen. Loretta Lynch was asked about Weil's comments at a
Senate Judiciary Committee hearing March 9, she said, “In no way does
the Department of Justice feel that children
[3 or 4 years old] or, frankly, children who are older, can or should
represent themselves individually.”
And
yet, when she was asked directly if counsel should be required, Lynch
replied that current law “does not provide the right to counsel.” In
other words, the government will continue to
put children through deportation proceedings without a lawyer. If the
government were honest about the constitutional requirements of due
process, it would acknowledge its legal obligation to provide
unrepresented children with legal counsel. If due process
doesn't support this obligation, the concept is meaningless.
The
government has pointed to the cost of providing counsel in these cases.
But due process is about doing what's necessary to protect the rights
at stake, not what's the most inexpensive
or expedient. And when it comes to expense, we must also ask how the
government can spend the money to hire a trained prosecutor to appear
against the child in every case, but then claim that it's too expensive
to level the playing field?
The
most appropriate resolution to ensure that we aren't deporting those
who would otherwise qualify to remain in the U.S. would be legislation
that requires counsel for migrant children.
Until that happens, the Justice Department could at least prioritize
its deportation cases by moving those children who are represented to
the front of the line and those who aren't to the back. This would give
those who are currently unrepresented additional
time to seek out a pro bono attorney or funds for representation, and
it would mean that the cases would proceed only against those children
who have counsel.
But
even this step toward justice would first require the government to
admit something it has so far resisted: The United States can, and must,
do better than putting any child through deportation
proceedings without a lawyer.
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