Washington Post (Wonk Blog)
By Jeff Guo
December 15, 2015
In
a paper published last month, Princeton economists Anne Case and Angus
Deaton showed that over the last 15 years, white middle-aged Americans
have been dying at unusually
high rates. Most of those deaths were concentrated among people with
only a high-school diploma, or less.
Polls
say that the same kind of people — older, less-educated whites — are
largely responsible for Donald Trump's lead in the race for the
Republican nomination for president.
This
could be a coincidence. But it is nonetheless striking that Trump’s
promise to "Make America Great Again" has been most enthusiastically
embraced by those who have
seen their own life's prospects diminish the most — not in terms of
material wealth, but in terms of literal chance of survival.
Case
and Deaton’s work has attracted some controversy. There's debate over
whether the death rate has actually risen for white Americans aged
45-54, as they claim, or
if it has just remained the same over the past two decades. But even
their critics concede that the bigger picture is alarming.
In
countries such as Canada, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany,
middle-aged people has been dying at ever-decreasing rates over the last
20 years. Middle-aged African-Americans
and Hispanics in the U.S. have experienced similar trends: declines in
the mortality rate of about 27 and 19 percent, respectively, since 1999.
But
something is wrong with white America — particularly, less-educated
white America. Between 1999 and 2013, the death rate for middle-aged
white people, age 45 to 54,
increased by 9 percent, according to the paper. For middle-aged white
people with a high school education or less, the death rate went up 22
percent.
Now
compare that to data from a new Washington Post-ABC poll, released
Tuesday, which shows that Trump supporters are disproportionately white
Americans without college
diplomas. Among Republican-leaning registered voters, 46 percent of
them support Trump, compared to 38 percent of Republican-leaning
registered voters overall who support Trump.
Case
and Deaton blame dramatic spikes in poisonings (including drug
overdoses), suicides, and liver disease as the main causes for the
rising death rate among middle-aged
white Americans. These problems have been most acute among the
less-educated. Among those with no college, poisonings tripled between
1999 and 2013; suicides went up by 78 percent; death by liver disease
increased by 46 percent.
In other words, what's killing middle-aged whites is the opioid epidemic. It's depression. It's alcoholism.
These
are, at least in part, diseases of despair and diminished opportunity.
And it's not too much of a stretch to connect this suffering to the
economic forces that have
hollowed out the middle and working class in recent decades and imposed
pain on those without higher education.
It
has never been more of a disadvantage to lack college credentials. In
1979, people with four-year college degrees earned about 35 percent more
than those without, according
to research from the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. In 2013,
the college wage premium was 80 percent.
This
is not to say that the college-educated are much better off today than
they were 30 years ago. They're not. The widening gap in wages reflects
that life has been
getting worse for those with only a high school diploma.
Case
and Deaton point out that less-educated citizens of other countries
have faced similar economic challenges like wage stagnation and
inequality, and yet their death
rates have been going down. So the economy does not provide a
completely satisfactory explanation for why middle-aged whites in
America are doing so poorly.
But
what matters in politics is people's perception of the situation. On
the stump, Trump likes to blame immigrants for the nation's economic
woes. "They’re taking our
jobs. They’re taking our manufacturing jobs. They’re taking our money.
They’re killing us," he said in July. This message has resonated with
voters.
As
the latest Washington Post-ABC News numbers show, Trump finds
particularly strong support for his immigration stance among
Republican-leaning whites without college
degrees. About 52 percent of them say they trust him the most to handle
immigration issues. They also like his views on terrorism, believe he
is the strongest leader, and also the most likely to get elected.
There
is real unhappiness among less-education middle-aged whites in America,
dissatisfaction and suffering that goes beyond what the bleak data on
wages tell us. Case
and Deaton's research suggests that many who fit the Trump voter
demographic are at higher risk of dying of drug overdoses, or suicide,
or alcoholism. To understand Trump's appeal, and his success, this is a
good place to start. Why has a large swath America
seem to have lost hope? And why do they believe that Trump will make
their lives better?
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