Washington Post (Opinion)
By Eugene Robinson
December 17, 2015
It
is no longer possible to think of “the Republican Party” as a coherent
political force. It is nothing of the sort — and the Donald Trump
insurgency should be seen as
a symptom, not the cause, of the party’s disintegration.
I
realize this may seem an odd assessment of a party that controls both
houses of Congress, 32 governorships and two-thirds of state legislative
chambers. The desire to
win and hold power is one thing the party’s hopelessly disparate
factions agree on; staunch and sometimes blind opposition to President
Obama and the Democrats is another. After those, it’s hard to think of
much else.
It
makes no sense anymore to speak of “the GOP” without specifying which
one. The party that celebrates immigration as central to the American
experiment or the one that
wants to round up 11 million people living here without papers and kick
them out? The party that believes in U.S. military intervention and
seeding the world with democratic values or the one that believes
strife-torn nations should have to depose their own
dictators and resolve their own civil wars? The party that represents
the economic interests of business owners or the one that voices the
anxieties of workers?
All
of these conflicts were evident Tuesday night at the presidential
candidates’ debate in Las Vegas. It was compelling theater — Trump
mugging and shrugging for the
cameras, Jeb Bush gamely steeling himself to go on the attack, Sens.
Ted Cruz (Tex.) and Marco Rubio (Fla.) waging a one-on-one battle, New
Jersey Gov. Chris Christie vowing to shoot down Russian jets over Syria,
Ben Carson turning “boots on the ground” into
a mantra without actually saying what he thinks about deploying them.
A
Republican optimist might praise the candidates for airing “serious”
and “important” policy debates. A realist would say this is a party that
appears to believe in anything,
which is the same as believing in nothing.
One
of the more telling exchanges came when Trump was asked whether the
United States was safer with dictators running the troubled nations of
the Middle East. Trump replied,
“In my opinion, we’ve spent $4 trillion trying to topple various people
that frankly, if they were there and if we could have spent that $4
trillion in the United States to fix our roads, our bridges, and all of
the other problems; our airports and all of
the other problems we’ve had, we would have been a lot better off, I
can tell you that right now.”
Carly
Fiorina was aghast. “That is exactly what President Obama said,” she
declared. “I’m amazed to hear that from a Republican presidential
candidate.”
Indeed,
there once was broad consensus within the party about the advisability
and legitimacy of forcing “regime change” in pursuit of U.S. interests.
But toppling even
such a monster as Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad is opposed by Trump,
Cruz and Sen. Rand Paul (Ky.) — who combined have the support of 51
percent of Republican voters, according to the RealClearPolitics polling
average. So apparently there isn’t a “Republican
view” about foreign intervention anymore.
Nor
is the party able to agree on immigration policy. Even if you somehow
manage to look past Trump’s outrageous call for mass deportation, there
is no consensus for the
course of action favored by what’s left of the party establishment,
which would be to give undocumented migrants some kind of legal status.
The only point of concord is the allegation that Obama has failed to
“secure the border,” which is actually far more
secure than it was under George W. Bush.
Once
upon a time, the Republican Party’s position on a given issue usually
dovetailed nicely with the views of business groups such as the U.S.
Chamber of Commerce. But
the chamber supports giving the undocumented a path to legal status. It
also waxes rhapsodic about the benefits of free trade for U.S. firms
and shareholders. Now, since Trump opposes the Trans-Pacific Partnership
pact (as does Mike Huckabee), other candidates
have had to mumble about waiting to see the details before deciding pro
or con.
The
GOP electorate has changed; it’s whiter, older, less educated and more
blue -collar than it used to be. Many of today’s Republicans don’t see
globalization as an investment
opportunity; they see it as a malevolent force that has dimmed their
prospects. They don’t see the shrinking of the white majority as natural
demographic evolution; they see it as a threat.
One of our two major political parties is factionalized and out of control. That should worry us all.
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