Politico
By Eli Stokols
December 18, 2015
The
three men leading Marco Rubio’s presidential campaign were huddled in a
Las Vegas war room when Ted Cruz walked into their trap.
Their
candidate had been sparring with his rival on the GOP debate stage for
two hours already. But when Rubio ad-libbed an interrogation of Cruz’s
past position on legalizing
undocumented immigrants, they knew the Texas senator wouldn’t be able
to contain himself.
“I have never supported legalization, and I do not intend to support legalization,” Cruz declared.
In
that moment, Rubio campaign manager Terry Sullivan, top adviser Todd
Harris and communications director Alex Conant recognized what they’d
accomplished because they’d
been planning this exchange all along. Not only had Cruz just
contradicted his own statements from 2013, he’d used words that gave
them the opening they’d been wanting to turn their rival’s
anti-establishment narrative on its head.
Joe
Pounder, the GOP opposition research guru who recently joined Rubio’s
campaign, was sitting back in Washington on a stockpile of quotes and
video clips of Cruz’s 2013
statements. And they didn’t even have to talk about it.
The decision was made: it’s time to launch.
Immediately,
the campaign readied a response that was months in the making. Donors
inboxes rang with emails recapping the exchange with Cruz, while
reporters received
opposition research backing up Rubio's claim that Cruz had shifted his
position. And the next morning, Rubio appeared on Fox News and seized on
the ambiguity Cruz had left him.
Cruz
went hours before responding during a press conference in California.
Then he appeared Wednesday evening on Fox News and stammered as he
struggled to square his support
for his own 2013 amendment, which scrapped the bill’s full pathway to
citizenship for undocumented immigrants but left open a path to legal
status, with his current statement that he’s never supported
legalization.
Pressed
by host Bret Baier, Cruz was forced to acknowledge that he was merely
being disingenuous—ostensibly supporting an amendment to “improve” the
bill that, as only
Beltway insiders may have understood, was truly aimed at killing it.
“Bret, you’ve been around Washington long enough, you know how to defeat
bad legislation,” Cruz said, effectively admitting he was engaging in
the very brand of Washington political theater
that, as an anti-establishment candidate, he often rails against. On
Thursday, Cruz attempted to brush off his 2013 amendment as “a bluff.”
In
one 24-hour news cycle, the tables had been turned. Rubio’s campaign
had managed to put Cruz on the defensive over the issue most expected
would be the Florida senator’s
Achilles heel.
“Rubio’s
offense is his best defense there, no question,” said Curt Anderson, an
unaligned GOP operative who had guided Bobby Jindal’s campaign. “They
clearly did their
homework and they were ready for it. I think it was well played.”
According
to conversations with operatives close to the Rubio campaign, his
staffers knew from the get-go that the Florida senator’s work on the
immigration bill as part
of the Gang of Eight was his most glaring weakness. But it was also
clear from some of their earliest meetings that they saw an opening to
go after Cruz. They focused their opposition research efforts on that
target and saw promise in Cruz’s complicated positioning
on legalization.
As
they compiled data on Cruz, building on the file amassed by former
Texas Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst during his unsuccessful 2012 senate
primary run, Rubio’s team sensed
an opportunity—not just on the immigration issue, but to needle a
candidate they viewed as overconfident and untested, especially when
pressured by opponents’ attacks.
“He’s
never run in a real race, and never been vetted. When he ran in Texas,
once he won the primary, he was through,” said a source close to Rubio’s
campaign who spoke
on the condition of anonymity. “He’s going to be subject to far more
scrutiny now.”
Rubio’s
campaign was surprised when he wasn’t forced to defend his immigration
position in the fourth debate last month in Milwaukee. Heading into
Tuesday night’s showdown
in Las Vegas, they sensed it would finally come up—and they’d even made
a decision to bring it up themselves, to lance the boil once and for
all.
Rand
Paul attacked Rubio on the issue early on, but the low-polling Kentucky
senator was not in his crosshairs. He was waiting for Cruz, now Rubio’s
primary competition
(with Donald Trump) for the GOP nomination, to take him on.
So
when Cruz tried to attack after Rubio’s response to a moderator’s
question on immigration, the Florida senator shifted into counter-attack
mode, questioning Cruz about
his own past support for legal status and musing that he’s often
“puzzled” at Cruz attacking him on immigration when their positions are
the same.
In
battling over the particulars of immigration, Rubio isn’t likely to
score himself any points—but that’s not his objective. “I don’t think it
means anything for Rubio,
but it could mean something for Cruz in that he’s handled it poorly,”
Anderson said. “I think the only way to go at Cruz is to go at his
genuineness or lack thereof, and the fact that everything is contrived.
In that sense, I think it’s smart.”
According
to sources close to the campaign, the unifying thread of Rubio’s case
against Cruz won’t be immigration or national security or any single
policy issue. It’ll
be his perceived tendency to say different things to different
audiences and an attempt to convince voters that the candidate
purporting to be a straight-talking anti-establishment outsider is
anything but.
On
Thursday, Rubio portrayed Cruz’s position on immigration as that of a
craven politician, trying to convince primary voters of his conservative
credentials while leaving
himself wiggle room to tack back to the center if he wins the
nomination. “I think his hope was, once he got into the general election
to then start talking about legalization as a way to attract voters,”
Rubio said.
Cruz
has spent the last two days explaining his amendment to the immigration
bill, calling Rubio’s assertion that he supported legalization
“ludicrous” and repeatedly
mentioning his alignment with Sen. Jeff Sessions, a staunch opponent of
the Gang of Eight proposal. But he has yet to explain previous
statements professing support for the bill itself other than that it was
just a political gambit meant to torpedo it.
On
Thursday night, all three major broadcast networks featured reports on
Cruz's interview with Baier and the sparring between him and Rubio on
immigration policy; although
Cruz's campaign is downplaying the story's impact. "We turned the
corner this morning," said Rick Tyler, Cruz's campaign communications
director. "All day, conservative media have been rallying to our side
and defending Ted Cruz. They're not about to let a
moderate like Marco Rubio tell untruths about the real conservative in
the race."
Now,
the Rubio game plan is not to let up. And Pounder and his team believe
they have ample material to fill in a composite sketch of Cruz as a
political opportunist:
his praise for Edward Snowden, opposition to the NSA’s former metadata
surveillance program and his closed door comments criticizing Trump even
as he continues to show remarkable deference to him in public.
Just
as Cruz has started to appear unbeatable in Iowa, just as Hillary
Clinton’s campaign and top Republicans begin to acknowledge the obvious
path for Cruz through the
primary and the possibility that he could win the nomination, even
amidst nagging questions about Rubio’s early state strategy—Rubio’s
successful immigration broadside against Cruz has given some
establishment figures confidence that he might be on the right
track.
“Cruz's
response [to Rubio] highlights his greatest weakness: he's just too
slick and self-aggrandizing,” said Stuart Stevens, a GOP strategist who
guided Mitt Romney’s
2012 campaign. “Cruz is that guy in high school who really, really
wanted to be homeroom president,” “Marco Rubio is the guy who knew it
was a joke. I'd bet on the latter.”
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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