Los Angeles Times
By Kate Linthicum and Lee Romney
July 19, 2015
At a community meeting in Duarte hosted by the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department last week, one name surfaced often.
"I'm
here because of Kate Steinle's death and because I care about illegal
aliens being cut loose and let out on the streets," Orange resident Mike
McGetrick told a panel
of sheriff's officials who are pondering a shift in policy at the
county's jails. "When is the next American citizen going to be
murdered?"
When
a five-time deportee with a history of drug-related felonies was
charged in the fatal shooting of 32-year-old Kathryn Steinle on a San
Francisco pier this month,
a debate that had been simmering for years again roared into the
national spotlight: Just how much should local law enforcement cooperate
with federal immigration authorities?
Juan
Francisco Lopez-Sanchez, who has pleaded not guilty to murder, was
released from a San Francisco County jail in April despite a request
from U.S. Immigration and
Customs Enforcement that he be detained so that agents from a nearby
field office could pick him up.
Before
Steinle's death, the debate over which inmates local jails should hand
over for deportation was largely the realm of policy wonks and
activists. But the killing
has pushed the issue into the national spotlight — Republican
presidential candidate Donald Trump has seized on it to call for
stricter immigration enforcement — and has focused attention on a new
ICE program that officials had been struggling to win support
for.
In
Los Angeles and across the country, local authorities are deciding to
what degree they should participate in ICE's new Priority Enforcement
Program. Under the program,
ICE asks jails to notify federal agents when inmates flagged for
potential deportation are being released, and in some cases asks jails
to hold such inmates so federal agents can pick them up.
Top
Homeland Security officials had for months been promoting the new
program, which began July 2, but had gained little traction. Since
Steinle's death, however, the
new program has won unexpected support.
U.S.
Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), who as mayor of San Francisco in the
1980s supported city policies protecting immigrants who were in the
country illegally from
discrimination by the city, has called on San Francisco to cooperate
with the ICE requests.
The
new program replaces ICE's Secure Communities initiative, which was
scrapped in November by Homeland Security Secretary Jeh Johnson, who
said that program's "very
name has become a symbol for general hostility toward the enforcement
of our immigration laws."
Under
Secure Communities, federal agents routinely requested that jails hold
inmates beyond their release dates so ICE could pick them up. Immigrant
advocates complained
that the practice eroded community trust in police and said thousands
of people with no or only minor criminal convictions were deported as a
result.
Last
year, after a federal court deemed such holds unconstitutional,
hundreds of jurisdictions nationwide stopped complying with ICE
requests, including most counties
in California. Since the beginning of 2014, according to ICE, cities
and counties nationwide ignored 17,000 requests that they detain
inmates.
The
new program does away with most requests that local jails hold people
until federal agents can pick them up, opting more often for requests
for notification, ICE officials
say.
Last
week Johnson told a congressional panel that nearly three dozen of the
nation's largest counties "have indicated a willingness to participate
one way or another"
in the PEP program.
Five have said they won't cooperate, and 11 are still deciding, Johnson said.
In
California, Los Angeles, Orange and Alameda counties are among those
cooperating on some level with the new ICE program, county officials
said. San Francisco has refused.
Alameda
County Sheriff Gregory J. Ahern said he would comply with ICE's
requests for notification but added that his department will "not hold
anyone in our custody a
minute past their release date or time" without a judicial warrant or
order.
ICE officials say the legal system has no mechanism for issuing such orders in routine deportation cases.
At
the hearing, Johnson faced heavy criticism from Republicans, who asked
why ICE hasn't required local agencies to comply with all aspects of the
new program.
"I
do not believe that we should mandate the cooperation of state and
local law enforcement officials," Johnson said. "I believe that the most
effective way to work with
jurisdictions, particularly the larger ones, is through a cooperative
effort with a program that removes the legal and political controversy."
Rep.
Zoe Lofgren (D-San Jose) welcomed Johnson's approach, which she called
more "respectful to local communities" than previous ICE jails programs.
While Secure Communities
was at times presented as a mandatory program that local officials had
to comply with, the new program acknowledges that local jurisdictions
may craft their own policies about what types of criminal convictions
would warrant notification, she said.
"Somebody
sitting in Washington doesn't know the details of how to do policing in
San Jose or San Francisco or Chicago," she said.
For
some local officials, giving ICE agents so much as a heads up on
release — even for those previously convicted of violent felonies and
facing new charges of violence
— is unacceptable without a warrant.
"The idea of notifying undermines the interest of limiting compliance with ICE," said San Francisco Supervisor John Avalos.
He
is at odds with San Francisco Mayor Ed Lee, who told the Board of
Supervisors last week that he believes the city should notify federal
agents of pending releases "for
serious, violent or repeat felons, including those who have previously
been deported on multiple occasions."
Many
immigrant advocates oppose the new program, which they say continues to
blur the line between local police work and federal immigration
enforcement and sows mistrust
among potential crime victims and witnesses.
Chris
Newman, legal director of the Los Angeles-based National Day Laborer
Organizing Network, said the "original sin" of both ICE programs "is
they convert local criminal
law enforcement agencies into civil immigration authorities at the
point of arrest."
"Local police and sheriffs have to pick winners and losers in the application of unjust immigration law," Newman said.
In
Los Angeles, county supervisors recently voted to instruct Sheriff Jim
McDonnell to cooperate with the Priority Enforcement Program. But they
also asked him to hold
community meetings to map out exactly how to do so.
Sheriff's
deputies almost outnumbered members of the public at the meeting in
Duarte on Wednesday, where officials solicited public comment about what
circumstances would
call for the county to honor ICE requests for notifications. The
deputies were there to keep the peace after a previous meeting devolved
into a shouting match.
About
halfway through this forum, pro-immigrant protesters left to hold a
demonstration outside, where they waved signs and chanted "no papers, no
fear, immigrants are
standing here." They then walked into a busy intersection nearby and
refused to budge. Marcela Hernandez, 25, an immigrant brought to the
country illegally as a child, said she believes the Sheriff's Department
should have no contact at all with federal officials.
Her uncle, she said, was deported after being jailed on minor drug charges.
"He
hasn't seen his U.S.-citizen children for five years," Hernandez said.
"We should help people rehabilitate instead of deporting them."
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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