Vox
By Dylan Matthews
July 29, 2015
If
I could add one amendment to the Constitution, it would be the one Wall
Street Journal editorial page editor Robert Bartley once proposed:
"There shall be open borders."
There is no single policy that the United States could adopt that would
do more good for more people. An average Nigerian worker can increase
his income almost 15-fold just by moving to the United States, and
residents of significantly richer countries like
Mexico can more than double their earnings. The humanitarian gains of
letting everyone who wants to make that leap do so would be astounding.
So
I was disappointed, if not surprised, at the visceral horror with which
Bernie Sanders reacted to the idea when interviewed by my colleague
Ezra Klein. "Open borders?"
he interjected. "No, that's a Koch brothers proposal." The idea, he
argued, is a right-wing scheme meant to flood the US with cheap labor
and depress wages for native-born workers. "I think from a moral
responsibility, we've got to work with the rest of the
industrialized world to address the problems of international poverty,"
he conceded, "but you don't do that by making people in this country
even poorer."
There
are two problems with Sanders's view on this, one empirical and one
moral. He's wrong about what the effects of an open-border policy would
be on American workers,
and he's wrong in treating Americans' lives as more valuable and worthy
of concern than the lives of foreigners.
The
existing economic literature suggests that eliminating all barriers on
movement between nations would increase world GDP by 50 to 150 percent.
The midpoint estimate
is that the world economy would double. That's because people are much
more productive in rich countries. Because of better technology, more
skilled co-workers, better institutions, and the like, a worker doing
the same job will earn vastly more for it in
the US than in, say, Haiti. And if everyone were able to take jobs
where they'd earn the most, the cumulative effect on the economy would
be massive.
Even
the biggest opponents of immigration will concede that much.
Immigration obviously increases growth, just as tearing down trade
barriers does. The question is whom
that growth goes toward. A lot of it goes to migrants, who see their
incomes grow dramatically for doing the same work. Even according to
George Borjas, the single most-cited anti-immigration economist,
immigration doesn't make the existing workforce worse
off on average. But it does, he claims, most likely reduce wages
substantially for people lacking high school degrees.
There
are a few things to say in response to this. One is that even if there
are losers from immigration, it should be possible to compensate them by
redistributing money
from the winners. The second is that Borjas is only looking at relative
effects: how high school dropouts are affected compared with, say,
college graduates. He actually assumes that the effect on native workers
as a whole is neutral. If the effect on all
workers is positive, it's possible that the absolute effect on high
school dropouts is positive, even if they gain less than other workers.
It's also worth noting that immigration appears to boost high school
graduation rates — so even if high school dropouts
are made worse off, there would be fewer people bearing that burden.
A HUGE SPIKE IN RUSSIAN IMMIGRATION TO ISRAEL IN THE EARLY 1990S APPEARED TO GIVE EXISTING WORKERS A NEARLY 9 PERCENT RAISE
The
third point is that Borjas's results are heavily contested — and most
of the rest of the literature suggests that the effect on native
workers' wages is neutral or
positive. In particular, high-quality studies that use "natural
experiments" — cases where there was a big, unexpected spike in
immigration — suggest that the absolute effect of immigration on native
workers is neutral or positive. It's much easier to isolate
the effect on native workers in those cases than it is by trying to
statistically weed out other potential causes of changes in wages. The
Mariel boatlift, when Cuba unexpectedly sent 125,000 people to Florida,
did not hurt employment or wages among native
workers in Miami at all. A huge spike in Russian immigration to Israel
in the early 1990s appeared to give existing workers a nearly 9 percent
raise.
Finally,
the positive economic effects of immigration extend beyond just wages.
Immigration increases property values, building wealth for many
native-born workers (and,
admittedly, raising rents for others). Increased immigration reduces
the price of services provided by immigrants, such as gardening and
housekeeping. There's some evidence that immigration even gets more
women into the workforce by making it cheaper to hire
people to watch after children and elderly relatives, and perform other
homemaking tasks.
THE CLAIM THAT AMERICAN-BORN WORKERS WOULD SUFFER FROM OPEN BORDERS IS BOGUS
As
economist Michael Clemens once told me, the effect of immigration on
real wages for native workers is "definitely positive, without any doubt
whatsoever." A recent
evidence review by researcher David Roodman confirms this: While
low-skilled immigration can make the existing low-skilled immigrant
population worse off (though almost certainly not worse off than in
their country of origin), Americans born here have very
little to worry about, and a lot to gain.
It's
true that all of our empirical research pertains to increases in
immigration that are milder than pure open borders. The best we have to
go on in guessing the effects
of a total open-border policy are simulations. But those simulations
show an increase in world GDP massive enough that it's fair to guess
they'll hold harmless or help US workers — just as the data suggests
smaller-scale immigration does. "This isn’t just
trickle-down economics. It’s Niagara Falls economics," economist Bryan
Caplan once told me. "If production in the world were to double, almost
everyone is going to get enough of that doubling that they’re going to,
in the end, be better off as a result."
If
Bernie Sanders thinks we ought to give strict priority to the interests
of immigrants already in the United States, even if doing so makes
native-born workers and potential
migrants worse off, then that's a very interesting opinion that I'd
love to hear him attempt to defend. But the claim that American-born
workers would suffer from open borders and increased immigration is
bogus, and he should stop making it.
People are people, so why should it be that we treat potential immigrants so awfully?
The
second problem isn't a matter of facts, but of values. As a US senator,
Sanders believes he is obligated to put the interests of the United
States — and of Vermont
in particular — ahead of the interests of any other country. That
means, for him, heavily discounting the interests of people in other
countries.
Even
if you think this makes sense, it doesn't make restricting immigration
acceptable. Privileging the interests of Americans doesn't mean that US
policymakers have the
right to needlessly hurt foreigners. Not even the most ardent
nationalist would say that the US has a right to, say, massacre 10,000
foreign civilians to save a single American life. And make no mistake:
Using force to restrict access to the United States
hurts foreigners dramatically.
TAKING THE IDEA THAT ALL PEOPLE ARE CREATED EQUAL SERIOUSLY ENTAILS SUPPORTING OPEN BORDERS
The
philosopher Michael Huemer has a great thought experiment making this
point. Imagine a man, Marvin, is starving to death, and goes to a
marketplace to buy bread. Another
man, Sam, forcibly stops him and prevents him from buying bread. Marvin
starves to death.
That's
wrong, right? And it's still wrong if the harm caused is less severe.
Say Marvin isn't going to the marketplace to buy bread, but instead to
sell it. If he sells
it at that particular marketplace, he will make 15 times more money
than if he sold it at the other marketplace in town. But Sam stops him,
by force, from selling at the lucrative marketplace, forcing him to
settle for the other market, where he makes 15 times
less.
The
analogy is not exactly subtle: Marvin is a potential immigrant (in this
case from Nigeria; recall that moving from Nigeria to the US raises an
average migrant's earnings
15-fold), and Sam is a US border patrol agent. If you think Sam is
hurting Marvin by barring him from selling bread from the good market,
you've got to think that border agents are hurting immigrants by keeping
them from coming to work in the US.
I'M
SURE SANDERS BELIEVES THAT NIGERIAN LIVES AND BANGLADESHI LIVES AND
HAITIAN LIVES MATTER. BUT IF HE DOES, THEN HIS VIEWS ON IMMIGRATION MUST
CHANGE.
Maybe
such harm would be justified if it prevents a major harm from befalling
native-born Americans. But immigration does not harm native-born
Americans on average. It
helps them. It's hard to avoid the conclusion, then, that our border
policy is causing major, unacceptable harm to immigrants. Even if you
don't think the US is obligated to help immigrants, restricting
immigration is wrong, because it actively hurts them.
Personally,
I think the distinction between "not helping" and "hurting" isn't that
meaningful. I do think the US is obligated to help immigrants. I think
Bernie Sanders
is obligated to weigh the interests of a poor potential Nigerian
immigrant equally to those of a much richer native-born American. I
think if he saw an immigrant drowning in a pond, he has just as much of a
duty to rescue her as he would if she were a native-born
American, and the same duty applies when he's voting in the US Senate.
Taking that idea seriously — the idea that all people are created equal,
and deserve to be treated as though their lives matter regardless of
their place of birth — entails supporting open
borders.
I
don't doubt that Sanders thinks he takes equality seriously. I'm sure
he thinks he's an egalitarian. I'm sure he believes that Nigerian lives
and Bangladeshi lives and
Haitian lives matter. But if he does, then his views on immigration
must change.
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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