The Atlantic
By Alana Semuels
May 29, 2015
May 29, 2015
When
they were deciding where to settle down and raise a family, Lorena
Mora-Mowry, a lawyer from Venezuela, and her husband Paul, a mechanical
engineer from California,
performed extensive research. Based on reports they read in magazines
and brochures, they decided that Cincinnati, with its low cost of
living, access to arts and the outdoors, and strong schools, would be a
good place to live. They moved here in 1995.
It
was a difficult transition from (relatively) open-minded, Latino-heavy
Southern California to Cincinnati, where just about everybody was either
white or black, and
where immigrants were a rarity. Mora-Mowry tried to speak to people in
stores, but they could never understand her accent, and she hated the
long, cold winters.
“I became mute,” she told me. “I was so unhappy.”
Even
when she’d been in the city for years and her daughter was school-aged,
Mora-Mowry found it difficult to connect with the other mothers. She
would turn on the TV
and see news about football and fires and not much else. When a local
newspaper said it wasn’t interested in a column about Latinos, she
started reaching out to Latinos herself and interviewing them. She put
the videos on YouTube, and now, through a website
she created, MujerLatinaToday.com, she says she now has a virtual
family of other Latinos across the country. But she still sometimes
feels uneasy in Cincinnati.
“I feel like we live in a parallel world,” she said. “We live in the same city, but their news is not my news.”
Mora
had left a metropolitan area with a foreign-born population of millions
to live in a place with a foreign-born population of about 10,000 at
the time she arrived.
Many of the foreigners in her adopted city worked for one of the
Fortune 500 companies headquartered there, such as Procter & Gamble,
or attended universities such as Xavier and the University of
Cincinnati. When she moved to Cincinnati, more than two decades
ago, there were only around 2,400 people of Hispanic or Latino origin
in the city, according to data.
Mora-Mowry
is one of the hundreds of thousands of people from other countries who
have immigrated to one of America’s Rust Belt cities in the past decade.
Though her story
is unique, hardship is common among many of these immigrants, who find
less infrastructure and fewer familial bonds in cities with small
foreign-born populations, such as Cincinnati. Though the Rust Belt was
once a hub for immigrants in the 19th century, foreign-born
people became rare commodities in the second half of the 20th century.
In Cincinnati, for instance, 28 percent of the population in 1880 was
foreign-born, according to the Census Bureau. By 1980, only 2.8 percent
was.
Foreign-Born as a Percentage of Cincinnati Population
Yet
just about every city in the Rust Belt is now trying to attract more
immigrants to reverse decades of population decline. This trend started
in 2011 with Welcome Dayton;
Mosaic in St. Louis and Global Detroit recently launched to do the same
thing; and, earlier this month, an op-ed in The New York Times proposed
encouraging Syrian refugees to resettle Detroit. Not to be left behind,
Cincinnati mayor John Cranley announced
last year that he wanted to make his city the most immigrant-friendly
place in the United States.
“The
economic advantage to the city, if we can figure out how to get more
immigrants here, is that it'll be a rising tide that'll lift all boats,”
Cranley told me, when
we met in his office. “It'll infuse more economic activity, it'll
repopulate depressed and blighted neighborhoods that have abandoned
buildings, it will bring more flavor to life.”
The
strategy seems to be working in some Midwest cities. Places with
relatively small immigrant populations experienced some of the fastest
growth rates of foreign-born
residents in the last decade, according to the Brookings Institution.
Cities including Scranton, Indianapolis, and Louisville all doubled
their immigrant populations between 2000 and 2010. Dayton has been
heralded for its immigrant-friendly policies, which
include instructing police not to ask about immigration status when
they pull someone over, and it won an award for the U.S. Conference of
Mayors for its Welcome Dayton program.
Still,
when politicians talk about attracting immigrants, they’re usually
talking about entrepreneurs or people with much-needed talents or
skills. Those are the people
who can get visas, after all, who can afford to buy homes and start
businesses that will rejuvenate the economy of a struggling city. But
increasingly, small cities are also attracting the people who don’t have
money or education, but who willingly do miserable,
back-breaking jobs—cleaning houses, washing dishes, packing food. These
immigrants find opportunities in their adopted cities, but also
overwhelming challenges that might seem more manageable in diverse hubs
such as Los Angeles or New York.
Those
metropolises and others would be unimaginable and desolate without the
immigrants who hustle through them every day, on their way to jobs,
school, the future. Now,
other, smaller, metro areas are beginning to grapple with the task of
integrating those born abroad. Their efforts to assimilate people who
don’t speak fluent English and who look very different from the majority
of the population will be the story of immigration
in the 21st century.
Isela
Mora found it difficult to adapt in Cincinnati when she moved there as
an undocumented worker, following her father, in 1999. She quickly found
a job washing dishes
and she and her husband shared a one-bedroom apartment with her father,
which made it affordable. When her husband started abusing her, though,
Mora didn’t want to call police and get deported, and her English
wasn’t strong enough to seek out resources that
might have helped. So she put up with abuse for years, she told me, all
while raising three children and getting evicted time and again because
landlords didn’t like her husband’s constant drunkenness.
“All I could think was: ‘If the police come, we will be deported and they will take my children away,’” she told me recently.
The
immigrants of the past had labor unions, urban schools, settlement
houses, and communities at large manufacturing plants to help them
acclimate. Today, those institutions
are in decline, the nation is divided on immigration, and education is
much more essential for immigrants and their children to get ahead,
according to Theo Majka, a professor at the University of Dayton who has
studied the new immigrant communities there.
Without anyone to advocate for immigrants, mainstream institutions “can
either facilitate the incorporation of newcomers or create unnecessary
obstacles and difficulties that push some toward marginal positions,”
Majka and his wife, Linda Majka, wrote in a
chapter about Latino immigrant experiences in Dayton in the book
Latinos in the Midwest.
The
Majkas surveyed Latino immigrants in Dayton in 2006 and 2007, before
the city had started to welcome new arrivals. They found that language
obstacles were immigrants’
biggest challenge, leading to a lack of promotions at work and problems
receiving proper medical care. Sometimes, injured workers wouldn’t
receive compensation from their employer. Other times, they were ignored
by teachers who were frustrated by their poor
English. Transportation was also a problem, since most immigrants
couldn’t obtain a driver’s license and the region does not have a robust
public-transit system.
“They
say it was just horrible because nobody spoke Spanish, if they’re
coming from Mexico, coming from Chicago, they just didn’t have any
realization that everything
would be in English, that they wouldn’t even see a Hispanic face,” said
Sister Maria Stacy, the director of the Hispanic Catholic Ministry in
Dayton, about Spanish-speaking immigrants when she first arrived at the
ministry, 13 years ago. “They felt they were
isolated, and to get services was really difficult.”
Efforts
to make immigrants in Dayton feel more welcome were, at first,
rejected, such as a proposal to allow the Mexican Consulate to offer
Matricula cards, which are
forms of ID issued to Mexican nationals living in the United States.
The
sheriff of Butler County sent an open letter to the president of Mexico
asking for a reimbursement of $900,000 for “dealing with your
criminals.”
Dayton
is now a much more welcoming place, both Theo Majka and Sister Maria
Stacy told me. In 2008, the police chief put out an executive order
instructing officers not
to ask the immigration status of witnesses or victims of crime. There’s
an ongoing series of events at which Dayton natives meet immigrants,
including an annual soccer tournament. More institutions are providing
translators or documents in Spanish and other
languages including Turkish, because it also has a large Ahiska Turkish
population.
Dayton has led smaller Rust Belt cities in integrating immigrants. Many of its neighbors are further behind.
Hamilton
County, where Cincinnati is located, had 21,513 Hispanic residents in
2011, according to the Pew Hispanic Center, making up 3 percent of the
population. In the
counties that house Ohio’s two other big cities, Cleveland and
Columbus, Hispanics were 5 percent of the population in 2011. In Lucas
County, where Toledo, a smaller city than Cincinnati, is located,
Hispanics made up 6 percent of the population in 2011.
Immigrants
from other countries were even less common. In 2000, only about 1,900
people in Hamilton County were born in China. Only about 800 were born
in the Middle East.
About 2,700 were born in Africa, according to this nifty map.
When
Titus Nzioki moved to Cincinnati 35 years ago to attend college, there
were only about 500 people born in Africa living in the county. Nzioki,
born in Kenya, was
an unusual college student at age 27, and worked 40 hours a week at a
warehouse while he went to school full-time. He eventually saved up
enough money to start his own business selling African goods, married,
bought a house and raised two daughters.
But
Nzioki doesn’t want to stay in Cincinnati when he retires. Everybody in
America calls him “Titus” instead of his given name, “Mbindyo,” because
his given name is too
hard to pronounce. He says he doesn’t have friends, per se, just
acquaintances with whom he exchanges pleasantries and talks about the
weather. He looks forward to the vacation he takes, every year, back to
Kenya.
“No
matter how long I'm here, it's never going to be home,” Nzioki told me
from behind the counter where he spends every day, from 10 to 8.
He
has no regrets—his children had shoes and their own toys and even their
own rooms, and he was able to develop a successful business in
Cincinnati, but it’s been many
years of long hours and he misses Kenya. He thinks he’ll go back for
many months at a time when he retires, like a snow bird, and wants to be
buried there. He knows how fortunate he is to be able, as a dual
citizen, to have options.
“Everyone
in the world wants to come to America,” he said. “Ninety-five percent
of the people who live outside her want to come here.”
But does everyone in the world want to come to America to live in a small city with few immigrants?
Cincinnati
is located on the border with Kentucky, and is the most conservative
city in Ohio, an increasingly conservative state, said Alfonso Cornejo,
the president of
the Cincinnati Hispanic Chamber of Commerce. A host of factors make it
less welcoming to immigrants than other cities, he said. The most
popular local talk radio host, Bill Cunningham, frequently spews vitriol
about “illegals” and immigration. The sheriff
of Butler County, immediately to the north of Cincinnati, Richard K.
Jones, has taken a vocal anti-immigration stance, sending an open letter
to the president of Mexico asking for a reimbursement of $900,000 for
“dealing with your criminals.” Jones has posted
billboards with pictures of himself reminding businesses that it’s
illegal to hire undocumented workers, erected signs outside the county
jail that say “illegal aliens here,” and said that “illegal aliens” are
responsible for increasing violence in his community.
Meanwhile,
in a two-square-mile area of Butler County, every single Latino
resident lives below the federal poverty line, according to a local
report.
As a result, Cincinnati may have a tougher time attracting immigrants than do other Rust Belt cities, Cornejo said.
“If
you have five cities begging you to come to work there, where are you
going to go? To the location that makes you feel welcome,” he said. “I
think it’s a great future,
and we’re attracting more immigrants, but it’s not as easy as it is in
other cities.”
Cities
in Ohio might have more trouble than other Rust Belt neighbors, too. A
study released last month out of UCLA found that Ohio is 50th in the
nation for having policies
and laws that support the health and well-being of undocumented
immigrants. Ohio ranked last because it provides little to no health
insurance to undocumented children or pregnant women, has no
state-issued ID card for undocumented residents and has not tried
to limit the reach of Secure Communities, the federal
immigration-enforcement program.
Of
course, some of the problems undocumented residents face in these Rust
Belt cities are no different than those faced by undocumented residents
everywhere.
One
woman I met in Cincinnati, whom I’ll call Maria, is raising a son by
herself, with no English skills and no car. Her son is a happy American
kid, speaks English, and
is obsessed with wolves. But in order to earn a living, she’s had to
leave him with people she barely knows. Unlike many of the working poor
in this country, who can get vouchers for childcare, Maria couldn’t
apply for or receive any such vouchers because
she is undocumented.
“Immigrants
can’t get childcare vouchers, so they end up relying on incredibly
sketchy arrangements,” said Nancy Sullivan, who met Maria through
Transformations CDC, a
local nonprofit.
It
isn’t just the undocumented immigrants who feel a sense of unease in
Cincinnati. Cornejo, of the Chamber of Commerce, says there have been
many instances of Latino
children being bullied at school because of their parents’ birthplace.
He blames conservative talk media.
“If
you listen in your grandparents’ car, you learn words that are hate
words, like illegal aliens, drainers of the economy,” he said. “They’re
words that a kid that is
6 or 7 years old will not use in their vocab, but they are getting it
through the media.”
Mora-Mowry
told me she had friends who had bilingual skills who couldn’t find jobs
in Cincinnati because businesses there had little need for people who
speak other languages,
because they encounter foreigners so infrequently.
The
Chamber and a host of other institutions put together a brochure,
Cincinnati: A City of Immigrants, which they distribute at schools and
other local institutions to
remind people that the city has a long history of welcoming immigrants.
But the bullying continues.
Andre
Alva moved to Cincinnati when he was 13 because his mother, who is
Mexican, worked for a multinational company that transferred her there.
The bullying started almost
as soon as he got to school, he told me. From middle school all the way
through high school, he was constantly picked on. Kids tossed grapes at
him in the cafeteria, put garbage on his doorstep, and chanted him out
of a party where he had been told he would
be able to DJ.
“They’d
say, ‘You Mexican, quit stealing our jobs,’ to get a laugh,” he said.
“People know that race humor is hurtful, so they use it.”
He
never wanted to go back to school again, especially not college, where
he figured he’d be bullied even more, but his mother made him apply and
he got into Xavier on
a scholarship. He found a community there, though he is taking some
time off to work on his music and in a restaurant.
Foreign-born residents, as a percentage of the population, 2010
Still,
as more immigrants begin to call Cincinnati home, more local networks
and supports are emerging. Mora-Mowry now volunteers at a group that
brings together Latina
women who have experienced domestic violence. Other organizations
provide ESL, computer and GED classes, volunteer attorneys, food
assistance, and daycare. A grocery chain, Jungle Jim’s, stocks groceries
from other countries and is a popular shopping destination
for immigrants. A Hindu temple serves as a community center for Indian
migrants in the region.
Cincinnati
Public Schools have launched a program that lets parents, students and
employees use Rosetta Stone to learn languages online, including
English. And some Cincinnati
police officers take Spanish classes through a local nonprofit to be
able to more effectively communicate. Mayor Cranley wants to launch a
welcome center that will help new residents find a real-estate broker
who speaks their language, refer them to other
people from their homeland, and help them get acclimated to their new
city. He also told me that police aren’t on the lookout for undocumented
immigrants, and won’t ask people’s immigration status unless they have
committed a crime.
It’s
unclear whether these efforts will succeed in making Cincinnati a more
welcoming place. The Majkas, who studied Dayton, found that while many
challenges facing undocumented
immigrants can only be addressed at the federal level, some can be
addressed at the local level. Solutions include making local services
more accessible to non-English speakers, and creating advocacy groups
who can speak to the immigrants’ needs in a community.
In Dayton, those groups talked to police about leaving undocumented
immigrants alone, made referrals to health services and tutoring
programs, and held cultural sensitivity training for service providers.
“Particularly
in the absence of a pre-existing ethnic community, these organizations
serve as important buffers against the overt anti-immigrant prejudice
and racism expressed
by some residents,” they wrote.
And
of course, to some degree, immigrants in any new place, whether it be
Cincinnati or Chicago, will have to take their own initiative to make
the city work for them.
But they may just be able to do that. Drive is, after all, what got
them to the U.S. in the first place.
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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