New York Times
By Jonathan Martin
June 15, 2015
The Coalition
Mr.
Bush’s support in the primary will come chiefly from right-of-center
Republicans, but he will also appeal to conservatives who are concerned
most about choosing a
nominee who is electable. Having decisively lost two straight
presidential elections, Republicans are hungry to take back the White
House. Mr. Bush, with his policy fluency, fund-raising capacity, links
to the Hispanic community and political base in the country’s
most pivotal swing state, is seen by some in the party as most capable
of winning. While some Republicans are reluctant to nominate a third
Bush for president, others are fond of his family and will be more
inclined to back Mr. Bush because of his lineage.
A crucial question is how many other Republicans will be in his “lane.”
If harder-line candidates divide the conservative vote, Mr. Bush could
win states with only a plurality of voters. But he is not the only
candidate hoping to win over center-right primary
voters. If he fails, it will likely be, at least in part, because he
was squeezed from both flanks.
The Map
Mr.
Bush’s campaign acknowledges he almost certainly must win one of the
first four nominating contests – Iowa, New Hampshire, South Carolina or
Nevada – to remain in
contention when the race turns to a succession of states in March. But
it is not clear which of those four affords Mr. Bush his best
opportunity. New Hampshire, where unaffiliated voters can participate in
either party’s primary, may present the most obvious
target. His aides believe that if he survives the first burst of
contests, his financial advantage will sustain and carry him to the
nomination. No other candidate, they say, will be able to air TV ads
simultaneously in the many states planning to hold primaries
in the first half of March.
The Message
More
than any other Republican candidate, Mr. Bush is running a campaign
geared toward the general election. On immigration, he has refused to
back off his support for
a pathway to legal status for the undocumented. This stance may turn
off elements of the Republican base, but Mr. Bush and his advisers
believe that to retreat on the issue would all but ensure another
general-election defeat. More broadly, Mr. Bush is trying
to refashion his older brother’s “compassionate conservatism” as an
aspirational brand of Republican politics tailored for an era of
declining social mobility. He wants to send a message to both primary
and general-election voters that he will pursue support
from a broad range of Americans. But, as with George W. Bush, much of
this positioning is done through tone. On economics and foreign policy,
Jeb Bush is unlikely to deviate from Republican orthodoxy during the
campaign. The Republican base, after all, will
only tolerate so much apostasy.
Why He Will Win
Since
Barry Goldwater upended the political order in capturing the Republican
presidential nomination in 1964, the party has crowned
establishment-oriented candidates
often seen as the most likely to win the general election. In recent
years, even relatively weak right-of-center Republican contenders have
found a way to fend off conservative threats. Given Mr. Bush’s financial
strength, family network and potential appeal
among swing voters, he is the obvious heir to this tradition.
Presidential campaigns are endurance tests that reward candidates who
make the fewest mistakes and can withstand the unrelenting scrutiny
native to the process. With an easy command of a range of
policy issues, a comfort with the news media and a family that has been
extensively vetted, Mr. Bush could be the survivor.
Why He Won't
The
establishment wing of the Republican Party is on the wane, and Mr. Bush
represents the perpetuation of a candidate prototype many conservatives
are determined to thwart,
at last, in 2016. While he has considerable support from the party’s
donors, he has no significant constituency among rank-and-file primary
voters. And unlike in the last presidential primary, Republican voters
have other candidates to choose from who could
better fuse the party’s centrist and conservative constituencies.
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