U.S. News & World Report
By Lauren Fox
September 11, 2014
In
2011, Rep. Mike Coffman, R-Colo., demanded English-only election
ballots. Now, he spends several hours a week practicing his vocabulary
in preparation for a televised
Spanish-language TV debate.
“Even though my Spanish isn’t that good yet, they just really appreciate that I am trying,” Coffman says.
Back
in 2008, voters first sent the 59-year-old congressman to Washington
with a markedly different tone on immigration than he projects today.
Running to replace would-be
Republican presidential candidate and border-security hawk Tom Tancredo
in Colorado’s Sixth District, Coffman was a hardliner on immigration;
during his first term, he voted against the DREAM Act and stayed far
away from the kinds of immigration reform efforts
on Capitol Hill he supports today.
After
redistricting in 2010, however, the demographics of Coffman’s district
changed. Though his former district had a small Latino constituency, the
new boundaries swept
in suburbs of Denver and a much larger bloc of Latino voters — nearly
20 percent of his district.
Coffman faced a choice: evolve on immigration, or risk losing re-election.
The
three-term congressman embodies a much larger shift within Colorado
Republicans. Once led by nativists like Tancredo, the state party is now
being shepherded by people
like chairman Ryan Call, a fluent Spanish-speaker with ties to the
Hispanic Chamber of Commerce and an eye for ways to engage a
constituency he admits GOP national leaders have left behind.
After
President Barack Obama nearly swept Colorado's Hispanic vote in 2012,
Call said the state party recognized its only choice was to step up its
appeals for Latino
votes.
In
coordination with the national party, Colorado Republicans hired three
full-time staffers to coordinate outreach in its 13 regional field
offices. The Colorado GOP
orchestrated a simple, three-pronged campaign to win over
Spanish-speaking voters: It built up a database of the state's Latino
community leaders, created a calendar of important Latino events in the
state and urged candidates — and incumbents — to show up.
Coffman says he was encouraged to start visiting supermercados in his district and reach out to leaders among his constituency.
“In
the immigrant communities there is just this narrative of Republicans
being opposed to immigration,” Coffman says. “You have to break that
narrative in those communities.
You do that by showing up.”
Yet
the national party's missteps with Latinos and immigration reform —
especially among Coffman's colleagues — remain in clear view.
Despite
releasing a set of immigration reform principles, House Speaker John
Boehner, R-Ohio, and the Republican majority hasn't acted on any of them
so far this year.
Moreover, several House Republicans argued against a White House-backed
initiative allowing young undocumented immigrants to qualify for
permanent residency. Before going on a month-long recess in August, the
House approved only $659 million of President Barack
Obama's $3.7 billion funding request to address the crisis of
unaccompanied immigrant children on the US-Mexico border. And a YouTube
video of DREAMers confronting an argumentative Rep. Steve King, R-Iowa,
as Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky. dashed away went viral on
the Internet.
Perhaps
that is why national polling shows Latinos are far more likely to
identify as Democrats than as Republicans. If the Republican party is
going to succeed, there
is recognition — at least in Colorado — that it has to make changes in
the policies it promotes..
That
is why this year, the Colorado GOP softened its party platform on
immigration. The party voted at its assembly to support a path to legal residency for some immigrants
residing in the U.S. illegally — a move Congressional Republicans seem
unwilling to make.
“There
is a lot of evidence that [party] attitudes have been changing,and
we’ve been putting into practice the core values of what we believe as
Republicans,” Call says.
“I believe that if an elected official wants to truly represent the
people they are called to serve then they have to listen, and they have
to learn and sometimes that means in some cases changing a previously
held position.”
Jennifer
Korn, Deputy Political Director and National Director for Hispanic
Initiatives at the Republican National Committee, says Colorado stands
out as a place where
aggressive Latino outreach could make a real difference in the midterm
elections in 2014. Latino voters, which represent 14 percent of the
electorate in the state could not only determine whether Coffman gets
re-elected but could make the difference in the
state's tight Senate and gubernatorial races.
“Colorado
is definitely a competitive state for us,” Korn says. “It is always
great when you have a state chairman, a congressional candidate, a
gubernatorial candidate
and a senate candidate who are all making Hispanic engagement a
priority. That is definitely a move in the right direction.”
Korn
knows what a successful Latino voter outreach operation looks like: She
was on the front lines of George W. Bush’s 2004 re-election campaign
when the former president
won more than 40 percent of the Latino vote. But even though the Bush
campaign built an effective grassroots campaign and made inroads with
the Latino community, Korn says, the Republican Party changed its
campaign strategy.
“For
awhile, we saw the party raise a lot of money, parachute in five months
before the election and then leave. That worked for a long time. Then,
it stopped working,”
Korn says. “That might work with the base, but you are talking about a
constituency that you need to make lasting connections with. Otherwise
it’s pandering.”
Democrats
in the state, however, argue that Colorado Republicans won't make the
gains they want among Latinos until they change their party's national
platform.
“It
does seem that they their commitment to outreach has been more
consistent lately, but it is just a waste of time. It is a joke,” says
Patty Kupfer, managing director
of America’s Voice, a progressive group focused on immigration reform.
“What policies are they talking to voters about and how will they ever
convince Latino voters to support them?”
In
June, America’s Voice released polling data that showed the Republican
Party’s past and current positions on immigration reform is still an
obstacle for them, and for
Latino voters the issue isn't abstract. More than 60 percent of Latinos
in Colorado know someone who is an undocumented immigrant, and roughly
one third said that immigration is the most important issue for them
this election cycle.
Yet,
Obama’s decision to delay executive action on immigration reform until
the midterm elections are over — after promising Latinos in 2008 he
would address the issue
during his first term — could also affect turnout in the state. Another
broken promise on immigration by the Democrats might not send Latino
voters into the arms of the GOP, but it could convince them to stay home
on Election Day — or lead them to give Republicans
a second look. The Colorado GOP Is counting on it.
“Democrats don’t really have a lot to show for their rhetoric on this issues," Call says."Voters are starting to wise up to it,”
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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