Washington Post
By David Nakamura
August 1, 2014
President
Obama is preparing to announce new measures that would potentially
allow millions of illegal immigrants to remain in the United States
without fear of deportation,
a politically explosive decision that could jolt Washington just weeks
before the midterm elections, according to people who have been in touch
with the White House.
Administration
officials have told allies in private meetings that both the current
surge of Central American children crossing the border and Congress’s
failure this
year to pass a broader immigration overhaul have propelled the
president toward taking action on his own by summer’s end.
Obama
aides have discussed a range of options that could provide legal
protections and work permits to a significant portion of the nation’s
more than 11 million undocumented
residents, said Democratic lawmakers and immigrant advocates who have
met recently with White House officials. Ideas under consideration could
include temporary relief for law-abiding undocumented immigrants who
are closely related to U.S. citizens or those
who have lived in the country a certain number of years — a population
that advocates say could reach as high as 5 million.
Some
Senate Democrats running for reelection in traditionally conservative
states, such as Arkansas and Louisiana, have expressed misgivings about
Obama going too far
on his immigration order, fearing it will not play well among voters in
their states.
But
supporters of executive action said the president has little to lose by
embracing a broad legalization program that could become a signature
achievement in a second
term defined by legislative gridlock on Capitol Hill.
Though
politically charged, such a move would allow Obama to present a sharp
contrast with Republicans — who have remained staunchly opposed to
loosening immigration enforcement
— and cement Hispanic support for the Democratic Party for years to
come, supporters said.
Obama
appeared to relish the differences between the two parties that were
evident Friday, as the Republican-led House struggled to pass a border
funding measure and then
voted to roll back Obama’s 2012 program that deferred deportations of
many immigrants who had been brought to the country illegally as
children. Obama’s program has been popular with Hispanic voters and was
seen as a key factor in his ability to win 70 percent
of that crucial electorate in his reelection.
Calling
the House measure “extreme and unworkable,” Obama signaled in a news
conference that he believes Congress has opened the door for him to act.
“House
Republicans suggested that since they don’t expect to pass a bill I can
sign, that I should go ahead and act on my own to solve the problem,”
Obama said.
The
anticipation that Obama is preparing to sign off on a major expansion
of the 2012 relief program — which has delayed deportations of more than
550,000 younger immigrants
— has prompted Republicans to begin framing such a move as more
evidence of an imperial White House intent on circumventing Congress.
The
House GOP already has approved a lawsuit accusing Obama of abusing his
authority, focused on the administration’s implementation of his
signature health-care law.
Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.), a leading opponent of loosening
immigration laws, warned this week that a large-scale “administrative
amnesty” would trigger a confrontation with Congress, saying in a floor
speech: “Do not do this, Mr. President. You cannot do
this.”
White
House officials emphasized that Obama has not made a final decision,
noting that aides are still working on a formal menu of options for him
on potential policy
changes. But the president’s general counsel, chief domestic policy
adviser and Homeland Security secretary have been closely involved with
the internal deliberations, as the administration maps out the
implications of the president’s next move.
During
a series of private meetings at the White House, Obama’s advisers have
peppered immigration lawyers and advocates with questions in an attempt
to define a broader
population of immigrants that might be eligible for a similar kind of
relief that was granted to the young immigrants in 2012, a program
called Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals.
The
discussions, according to those involved, have included a focus on the
estimated 4 million to 5 million illegal immigrants whose children are
either U.S. citizens
or current beneficiaries of the 2012 deferred action program. Another
area of focus was on how long an immigrant must live in the United
States to establish deep ties.
“They
didn’t say no to the things we were raising,” said Marielena Hincapié,
executive director of the National Immigration Law Center, who attended
one of the meetings
last week. “The conversation was about the need for the program to be
as bold as possible.”
Hispanic
lawmakers and labor leaders also have urged Obama and his top aides to
pursue a broad legalization. Additional support could come from business
leaders should
Obama decide to use his executive powers to make more foreign-worker
visas available for high-tech and agriculture firms.
Lawmakers and activists have argued that the political upsides far outweigh the potential backlash from critics.
“The
president is going to get the same amount of grief from the right no
matter what he does, whether it’s small or whether it’s bold,” said
Richard L. Trumka, president
of the AFL-CIO, which has been aligned with immigration advocates. “The
difference is, if it’s small, it’s not going to energize his base. If
it’s bold, it will.”
Administration
lawyers are examining complicated legal questions in assessing just how
far the president can go to replicate the deferred-action program he
put in place
in 2012 for young people.
That
initiative allows immigrants who arrived as children before 2007 to
apply for two-year waivers on their deportations and gain work permits
and, in some cases, drivers’
licenses. But while children are less culpable for their parents’
decision to bring them to the United States illegally, the same argument
cannot be made for the adults themselves.
Janet
Napolitano, the former Homeland Security secretary, said in an
interview that officials determined the program was legal because it
applied discretion to a specific
category in order to alleviate administrative backlogs and did not
provide an across-the-board change in legal status. Additional
administration policies called for prioritizing deportations of
immigrants who had committed felonies or were seen as safety or
security risks.
“The
question was, ‘What can you do that’s not just blanket amnesty? What
can you do within existing law?’ ” said Napolitano, now the president of
the University of California
system. The program “was an individual, case-by-case review, but it’s
done for a category.”
The
administration has ruled out protecting all of the nation’s
undocumented immigrants. Congress has allocated resources to deport
about 400,000 immigrants a year, and
the Obama administration has averaged about that many, according to
government statistics.
Inside
the West Wing, there was renewed urgency after House Republicans feuded
this week over providing emergency funding to deal with the influx of
tens of thousands
of foreign minors who have entered the country illegally this year.
Obama and his aides have begun to make the case that the
administration’s limited resources are better spent on the border crisis
than deporting immigrants who have lived in the country for
years and established deep ties here.
“That
will create space for him to go big on administrative action,” said
Frank Sharry, executive director of America’s Voice, an immigrant rights
group. “It could be
one of the defining moments of his second term, if not his presidency.”
Republicans
“want to take away the single greatest victory for the immigrant rights
movement in the last two decades,” said Lorella Praeli, director of
advocacy for United
We Dream. “I don’t think the president has any option to do anything
other than something that’s big and bold.”
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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