U.S. News & World Report
By David Catanese
August 27, 2014
ANDERSON,
S.C. — Marco Rubio seemed to sense his speech to a gathering of
conservative activists would lure detractors. So like any smart
politician, he sought to preempt
their plot with a dash of humor.
“If
there are any hecklers here tonight, if you could wait until about 10
minutes into the speech, because that’ll give me time to go for water,”
quipped the freshman
Republican Florida senator, invoking memories of his now famed grab for
a water bottle that took him jarringly out of the television frame
during his 2013 State of the Union response.
They
didn’t heed his advice. On four separate occasions during the first
four minutes of Rubio’s address at Rep. Jeff Duncan’s 4th annual
barbecue fundraiser Monday, protesters
who were planted in different parts of the cavernous Anderson Civic
Center leapt to their feet and began chanting over his remarks.
Heading
into the event — Rubio’s first appearance in the first-in-the-south
presidential primary state since 2012 — it’s safe to assume his advisers
believed the biggest
challenge would be allaying the concerns of hardline conservatives
still angry at him for supporting 2013 immigration legislation they saw
as a pathway to amnesty. Rubio’s original comprehensive approach would
have balanced new border security measures with
a plan to legalize millions of undocumented Americans over time.
Instead,
Rubio drew a group of hecklers advocating for the DREAM Act — an idea
he says he still supports in concept. It would allow students in good
moral character of
undocumented parents to attain legal status and remain in the country.
But having been castigated by the right for embracing further
legalization before broader border security measures are implemented,
Rubio has shelved his embrace of a multi-pronged reform
package.
So
four young non-white protesters unfurled a large white sign that read
“Rubio Me Quiere Deportar” which means “Rubio Wants To Deport Me”
“This
country is the most generous nation in the history of mankind on
immigration,” Rubio attempted to respond over the yells, eliciting
rounds of cheers from Republicans
seated in the audience before him.
But
just moments after the first four protesters were ejected from the
arena, two others stood up and began their own demonstration.
“What
side are they on? I can’t understand,” he said onstage responding to
them. “Are they for it or against it? I couldn’t tell. What they’re
asking for is completely
unrealistic.”
Rubio
remained largely calm and composed throughout the melee, noting his
detractors enjoyed a very American right to express themselves.
Afterwards, one of his advisers mused they should find out exactly who the protesters were to send them thank-you cards.
After
all, in a span of just a few minutes, the author of bipartisan
immigration reform looked sympathetic to an assemblage of influential
conservatives who could have
easily been predisposed to be suspicious of the senator’s conversion.
A
year ago, Rubio was lambasted for lurching too far to the left to court
Hispanics; now he’s being blasted for selling out to the unyielding
base of his party. Perhaps
Rubio’s newest immigration tack is just right.
Duncan,
who invited Rubio to his home district — described by Sen. Lindsey
Graham, R-S.C. as a place that reveres “God, Guns & Guts” — said the
senator handled himself
“like a champ” and appeared to give him the benefit of the doubt on the
issue.
“I
hope folks will give him a mulligan on that,” Duncan told U.S. News
when asked about Rubio’s prior immigration position. “I think he went
into that with the right intentions
and in good faith and I think the other side muddied the bill up some.
Look, he’s got to overcome that. I’m not going to defend him or the
issue, he’s got to do that.”
But
given the warm reaction Rubio received in this deeply conservative part
of the Palmetto State, overcoming his immigration past doesn’t seem
like an insurmountable
feat anymore. In fact, it could ultimately turn into an advantage if
he’s able to position himself as a pragmatic reformer who listens to the
movement.
If
Rubio pursues the presidency, the immigration attack is likely to be
the earliest and easiest swipe at him in a GOP primary. He’s been
searching, and at times, struggling,
for a punchy way to explain his reversal. But he seemed to have found
clarity in his response to reporters after the speech.
In essence, it’s a 4-step program: I tried, I failed, I listened and I learned.
“I’ve
been there, I tried it, it doesn’t work. You are not going to have the
support in Congress for the sort of comprehensive approach they’re
insisting upon,” he said
of his hecklers. “And I think the approach they’ve taken, that they
have some sort of right, is the wrong approach. I actually think it sets
back the cause.”
This
answer allows Rubio to fall neatly in line with his party’s base on the
white-hot issue in the short term, while also lending him an argument
geared towards the center
in the long term, explaining a valiant well-intended effort.
This summer’s migrant crisis on the Texas border only bolstered Rubio’s point.
“It’s
clear that our border is not secure and it is clear that people’s
distrust of government’s willingness to enforce the law is more
justified than ever,” he said.
That
means before any “Dreamer” is granted a waiver for citizenship, Rubio
wants enhanced border protection, an E-Verify system to screen
employment and a way to address
those who overstay their work visas.
To be sure, Rubio will be forced to explain himself to skeptics, but that’s exactly what Graham did.
‘The
conventional wisdom is that may hurt him with the base. But he was
where Lindsey was,” says longtime GOP consultant Richard Quinn, who has
polled extensively on the
immigration issue in South Carolina.
Graham
supported the same bill Rubio did last year and still lapped six GOP
primary opponents in June, clinching 56 percent of the vote.
“I
don’t think [immigration] is anything he can’t overcome,” says Quinn.
“It’s a matter of educating. Rubio looks impressive. He has a lot of the
ingredients.”
Before
and after his speech, as he was swarmed by attendees for pictures and
autographs, Rubio didn’t encounter dismayed conservatives. They
gravitated to him like the
“savior” he was once hailed to be, with many profusely apologizing for
the unruly guests.
“That’s
ok, that’s what makes it America,” Rubio replied, always keen to revert
to an answer trumpeting the country’s inherent openness and diversity.
It’s a sunny worldview that has aided Rubio in weathering the arc of his immigration firestorm.
Jerry
Smiley, a California native who now resides in Anderson, South Carolina
approached Rubio to tell him how his mother immigrated here legally
from Mexico. He understands
the importance of a nation of laws, but also cherishes the native
heritage his mother gave him. He wanted to convey to Rubio he respected
his efforts at trying to forge a compromise.
“I
like his stance on it where he’s not being too forceful with it and
trying to work both sides,” Smiley says. “When you hear him out, you
realize what he’s trying to
do.”