Rolling Stone
By Tessa Stuart
November 23, 2015
This
weekend felt like a low point for the 2016 race, and for Donald Trump's
campaign rhetoric in particular, even in an election cycle that's
seemed like an ever-accelerating
race to some elusive bottom.
At
a Trump rally in Birmingham, Alabama, Saturday, a Black Lives Matter
protester was surrounded by a group of men, who he says punched him,
kicked him and told him, "Go
home n----r." Speaking about the incident the next day, Trump said,
"Maybe he should have been roughed up, because it was absolutely
disgusting what he was doing." (The activist, Mercutio Southall Jr., had
interrupted Trump's speech to shout, "black lives
matter!")
The
same day, Trump tweeted a compilation of fake crime statistics that
appears to have originated from an account with a stylized swastika for
an avatar, and a bio that
reads, "we Should have listened to the Austrian chap with the little
moustache." (If you're curious, the Washington Post has the accurate
statistics.) Days earlier, the leading GOP candidate suggested all U.S.
Muslims be registered in a database, and falsely
claimed Muslims in New Jersey cheered on 9/11.
All
this, on top of Trump's comments about Mexican immigrants – not to
mention other candidates' views on Syrian refugees, among other things –
makes this feel like one
of the most overtly racist political election cycles in recent memory.
Rolling
Stone got on the phone Monday with Berkeley professor Ian Haney-López,
the author of Dog Whistle Politics, to ask him about it.
"I
would not call it overt racism," Haney-López says, of the broader 2016
race. "It's important to realize that you do not have a candidate who is
saying, 'We have a problem
with sp-cs in this country. We have a problem with sand n----rs in this
country.'"
What
we have instead, he explains, is "a rhetoric that is heightening racial
fears, and that is seeking to communicate to people that there are
black and brown 'others'
from abroad, but also here at home, who are a direct threat... to white
Americans."
"This
is a sort of racism that is often hidden from even the intended
audience — the people these politicians hope to mobilize through this
discourse of fear," Haney-López
says.
Take,
for example, Trump's infamous stump speech in which he characterized
Mexican immigrants as criminals and rapists. As Haney-López notes, Trump
says in the speech,
"It's coming from all over South and Latin America, and it's coming
probably... from the Middle East."
"What
he's saying is: Our southern border is insecure, and these threatening
people are coming across," says Haney-López. "That's language that
allows people to say to
themselves, 'I'm not a racist — we've lost control of our border.'"
The
same framework is being deployed when Jeb Bush and Ted Cruz say they
want to help only Christians from Syria, and when they and other
candidates talk about "Muslim
extremism" or "Muslim terrorism," he says; making the issue about
religion or beliefs gives candidates a cover to say their stances are
not about skin color.
"This
is the sort of language and rhetoric that the GOP has been using for 50
years," Haney-López says, but it's gotten more difficult to pull off as
demographics have
shifted out of Republicans' favor.
"They've
been walking a finer and finer line, trying to use coded racial
language to mobilize anxious white voters," he says. "The Republican
Party draws roughly 90 percent
of its support from whites, so they are working really hard, and
strategically, to motivate those white voters, but at the same time they
are trying to find language that is sufficiently coded and sufficiently
moderate not to completely antagonize especially
Latinos and Asians. The African-American vote they've largely given up
on."
He
points to George W. Bush's courting of Latino voters to win in 2000 and
2004, and Mitt Romney's failures to attract the Hispanic vote in 2012.
If Bush's success at
winning Latino voters, and Romney's failure to do so, are taken as
examples, the xenophobia that is polling well now doesn't bode well for
Republicans' chances in the general election, says Haney-López. "Trump
doesn't give a damn about the future of the GOP,
so he's willing to use this extreme rhetoric that plays so well for
primary voters, irrespective of the damage it does to the party's
prospects in the general election or its prospects from 2016 to 2020,"
Haney-López says. "Now you have Jeb Bush, who had planned
to successfully attract the Hispanic vote, coming out and talking about
'anchor babies.'"
When
it comes down to it, Haney-López says, Trump and his cohort's guiding
principle is preying on white fear — and, really, white ignorance. It's
about tricking white
voters into voting for candidates who don't serve their interests.
"Racism
in the United States is not just about mistreating minorities. Racism
is fundamentally about scaring whites," he says. "And the people who are
scaring whites with
racism, they are not doing it because they don't like people of color.
They are doing it because this is a way to win votes for politicians who
are basically serving the interests of billionaires."