New York Times (Editorial)
October 16, 2015
Lawmakers
in Washington and around the country are in an uproar over what they
derisively call “sanctuary cities.” These are jurisdictions that limit
cooperation with
federal immigration enforcement, or try in other ways to protect
unauthorized immigrants from unjust deportation.
The
Senate is voting Tuesday on a bill from David Vitter of Louisiana to
punish these cities by denying them federal law-enforcement funds. The
House passed its version
in July. North Carolina’s Legislature has passed a bill forbidding
sanctuary policies. Lawmakers in Michigan and Texas are seeking similar
laws.
These
laws are a false fix for a concocted problem. They are based on the
lie, now infecting the Republican presidential campaign, that all
unauthorized immigrants are
dangerous criminals who must be subdued by extraordinary means.
The
laws are a class-action slander against an immigrant population that
has been scapegoated for the crimes of a few, and left stranded by the
failure of legislative
reform that would open a path for them to live fully within the law.
And because crackdowns on sanctuary cities seek to thwart sound
law-enforcement policies and the integration of immigrants, they are an
invitation to more crime and mayhem, not less.
This
is not what the Republicans want you to believe. They have seized on
the tragic death of a woman, Kathryn Steinle, shot in July on a San
Francisco pier by an unauthorized
Mexican immigrant, to denounce that city’s sanctuary policies and those
of other cities. Donald Trump, who began his campaign by slandering
Mexico as a nation of drug-toting rapists, used the accused, Juan
Francisco Lopez-Sanchez, as exhibit A. Like a racist
pied piper, Mr. Trump has gotten his party to fall in line behind him.
Two of his rivals, the demagogic Ted Cruz and the former immigration
moderate Marco Rubio, have signed on to the Vitter bill.
Mr.
Lopez-Sanchez was a homeless man with drug convictions but no record of
violent crime; the bullet he fired was found to have ricocheted off the
pier, suggesting that
he had not targeted anyone. The suggestion that it was a horrific
accident could well be true. What is clearly false is the claim that he
moved to San Francisco to take advantage of its sanctuary policies. He
was sent there by federal officials to answer an
old, minor drug charge, then released.
Republicans
tend not to be moved by senseless gun violence. But here was a case
they couldn’t resist. They have turned Mr. Lopez-Sanchez, absurdly, into
a stand-in for
11 million unauthorized immigrants living in the United States.
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For
this case of collective guilt by association, President Obama and his
first homeland security secretary, Janet Napolitano, share some blame.
They were the ones who
greatly expanded the deportation machinery in a program called Secure
Communities, proudly broadcasting their efforts to deport “criminal
aliens.” It was a tragically misguided attempt to gain, through extreme
harshness, Republican support for immigration
reform.
It
failed. And Mr. Obama’s unprecedented deportations of more than two
million people, many of them not criminals at all, are what made the
sanctuary-city movement necessary
in the first place.
The
country needs more sanctuary cities. It needs them to underscore what
should be a bright line between civil immigration enforcement, a federal
responsibility, and
the state and local criminal-justice systems.
It’s
odd to see Republicans muddying that line. They tend to like it when
states act like policy laboratories, filling the gaps where the federal
government has failed
— except when it comes to treating recent immigrants with common sense
and decency. Then they love a monolithic enforcement state, one that
commandeers local and state resources in a united push to get millions
of people — including those with minor infractions
or no criminal records at all — out of the country.
That
is Mr. Trump’s policy. Any sanctuary-city crackdown should be called
Trump’s Law, but with a hat tip to Mr. Obama, who was legitimizing the
conflation of immigrants
and criminals long before Mr. Trump weighed in. Long after both men
leave the scene, that damage will still be with us.
The
best hope for a return to sanity lies not in Washington but locally.
More than 320 jurisdictions have policies, like California’s Trust Act,
to disentangle themselves
from the federal deportation dragnet. They recognize that communities
are safer and crime is reduced when law-abiding immigrants don’t fear
and shun the police, and when they have access to services like
libraries and banks.
The
answer to an immigrant population in the shadows is — as it has been
throughout our history — integration and welcome instead of scapegoating
and oppression. And leaving
local law enforcement free to focus on catching criminals and
protecting public safety.
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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