National Journal
By Ronald Brownstein
October 2, 2015
Republicans have many reasons for optimism about the 2016 presidential election, but the latest NBC/Wall Street Journal poll released this week shows
again that social issues may be their biggest obstacle in recapturing the White House next year.
On every major
cultural issue the survey tested, more Americans
endorsed positions that the Democratic nominee is likely to
support next year, while in almost every case most Republican
primary voters embraced the minority view.
That
suggests cultural affinity could remain the hole card for
Democrats in an election in which the public’s assessment of
President Obama’s performance
remains equivocal, favorable ratings of Democratic
front-runner Hillary Rodham Clinton have plummeted, and the public
divides almost exactly in half in early soundings on which party it
would prefer to hold the presidency in 2017.
The survey tested a series of cultural
policy issues that have flared in the 2016 primary races, including ending birthright citizenship for the children of undocumented immigrants and eliminating funding for Planned Parenthood. More broadly, it also asked Americans to assess whether a series of longer-term trends, such as growing
racial diversity and increased legal protections for gays,
represented a step in the right direction, the wrong direction,
or won’t make any difference in life in the U.S.
On
almost all of these questions, most adults took positions at odds
with the dominant view among the 2016 GOP presidential
candidates—and the preferences
of most of those the survey identified as likely voters in the
party’s presidential nominating contests next year. As
important, the survey found that these issues generally united the
growing groups that powered both of President Obama’s
victories: the millennial generation, people of color, and
college-educated whites, particularly women.
Cumulatively, the survey underscores the sense that Democrats now represent a “coalition
of transformation” comfortable with the demographic
and cultural changes upending American life while the GOP
represents a “coalition of restoration” that largely revolves
around the groups most unsettled by the changes.
For instance, by an overwhelming majority of 69 percent to 26 percent, likely GOP primary voters said they would end
birthright citizenship for the children of undocumented immigrants,
as Donald Trump, Sen. Ted Cruz, and other GOP presidential
candidates have proposed. But a 53 percent to 42 percent majority
of all Americans said they would
preserve birthright citizenship.
The
contrast was even more striking on the question of eliminating
federal funding for Planned Parenthood, as House Republicans and
the leading GOP presidential
candidates have urged. Likely GOP primary voters backed the idea by
60 percent to 35 percent; but the public overall rejected the idea
by virtually the same margin, 61 percent no, to 35 percent yes.
On the broad trends the survey measured, the culture gap persisted.
Asked
about the prospect of further restrictions on abortion, 60
percent of likely GOP primary voters said it would represent a step
in the right direction;
just 23 percent called it a step in the wrong direction. But among
the public overall, more adults called such restrictions a step in
the wrong direction (45 percent) than the right one (36 percent).
And while more Republican primary voters called
legislation that protects the rights of gays and lesbians a step
in the wrong direction (41 percent) than the right direction (36
percent), the verdict among the public overall was emphatically
different: 59 percent right direction,
just 23 percent wrong.
The
gap between GOP partisans and other Americans was also large on
two other questions. While likely Republican primary voters split
about evenly on whether
increased political involvement of religious groups was a step
in the right direction (36 percent) or wrong direction (35
percent), just 24 percent of the public overall viewed it as a
positive development, with 54 percent calling it
a step in the wrong direction.
Republicans
were also much cooler when asked about the implications of “racial
and ethnic minorities increasing as a percentage of the US
population.”
Just 21 percent of likely GOP primary voters said that trend
represented a positive change while 24 percent viewed it
negatively (half said it would have no impact). The public overall
was considerably more positive: 35 percent called it
a step in the right direction, compared to just 14 percent who
called the growing diversity a negative change.
On
two other issues that have attracted considerable attention in
the GOP race, opinion among Republicans didn’t tilt as far right as
in some other recent
surveys. Likely GOP primary voters were only slightly more negative
than the public overall about the impact of “an increase in the
number of legal immigrants” and the implications of more
international trade agreements. Still, it is a measure
of the class realignment in American politics that likely GOP
primary voters expressed a slightly more negative view about further
trade agreements than likely Democratic primary voters.
On
almost all of these questions, most adults took positions at odds with
the dominant view among the 2016 GOP presidential candidates.
The
survey also underscored the extent to which shared cultural
values underpin the heavily urbanized contemporary Democratic
coalition, which relies
primarily on votes from the millennial generation, racial
minorities, and college-educated whites (particularly women).
For
instance, two-thirds of those aged 18-34, three-fifths of nonwhites,
and over 70 percent college-educated white women said they opposed
cutting off funding
for Planned Parenthood. Two-thirds of 18-34-year-olds and
minorities, and just over three-fifths of college-educated white
women also opposed ending birthright citizenship. Among those
groups, the share who called increasing diversity a positive
rather than a negative development for American society hit
six-to-one among younger adults; nearly seven-to-one among
African-Americans; almost four-to-one among Hispanics; and over
three-to-one among college-educated white women.
More
urban than rural residents consistently endorsed liberal
positions across these questions, particularly on issues
related to gay rights, growing
diversity, and continuing birthright citizenship. One
exception: Rural residents were not much more likely than urban
ones to support cutting off funding for Planned Parenthood.
College-educated
white women also consistently took more liberal positions than
other whites on these questions, with 63 percent describing more
legal
immigration as a positive step, 64 percent supporting
birthright citizenship, 70 percent viewing more political
involvement by religious groups as a negative step, 71 percent
opposing ending funding for Planned Parenthood, and fully
79 percent terming more gay rights a positive development.
Those
women have been the fastest-growing segment of the white
electorate in recent elections. In 2012, for the first time, they
cast a larger share of the general-election
vote than white men without a college education—a generally
culturally conservative group that has emerged as a bedrock of
Republican support.
More
cracks in the Democratic coalition emerged on abortion
restrictions and gay rights, with African Americans and Latinos
less likely than young people or
college-educated whites (especially women) to view the trends
positively. But a solid plurality of both African Americans and
Hispanics sided with the predominant Democratic position on
abortion, as did a majority on gay rights.
For
the sprawling Republican field, these results reinforce the
challenge of appealing to a primary base largely alienated from the
cultural and demographic
trends making modern America, without alienating the majority
of general-election voters largely comfortable with these changes.
The
NBC/Wall Street Journal survey, conducted by the Democratic
polling firm of Hart Research Associates and the Republican firm
Public Opinion Strategies,
surveyed 1,000 adults by landline and cell phone Sept. 20-24. It has a
margin of error of ±3.1 percentage points.
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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