Washington Post (Right Turn)
By Jennifer Rubin
June 9, 2015
You
sometimes get the sense the parties are vying for the distinction of
leaving the most gettable voters to the other side. Hillary Clinton
seems intent on recreating
the Obama coalition — minus moderates, affluent voters and independents
— while too many Republicans still think the election can be won by
turning out more older, white voters. They are both missing the boat —
and a lot of voters who will determine the election.
David
Brooks points out that “no recent successful first-term presidential
campaign” has relied on base mobilization. “The mobilization strategy
over-reads the progressive
shift in the electorate. It’s true that voters have drifted left on
social issues. But they have not drifted left on economic and fiscal
issues, as the continued unpopularity of Obamacare makes clear. If
Clinton comes across as a stereotypical big-spending,
big-government Democrat, she will pay a huge cost in the Upper Midwest
and the Sun Belt.” Part of the reason for this is that Clinton isn’t all
that popular with the base she is intent on mobilizing. Her innate
caution (which goes along with much finger-in-the-wind
positioning), greed and Wall Street ties suggest she will have an
uphill climb to becoming a liberal icon. If she wanted to run as a
left-winger she should not have given all those speeches to hedge funds
and taken millions in speaking fees and for the Clinton
Foundation from dubious characters. Her life has been off-message for
the campaign she now seems to want to run.
In
a post on his PAC’s website Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker makes the most
of this contradiction. He writes, “Clinton took her experience there all
the way to the bank,
helping her become one of the Senate’s wealthiest members. Since
leaving the Obama administration, Clinton has kept the money-machine
rolling, raking in more than $11 million since 2014 in paid speeches,
some at $300,000 apiece — more money than most Americans
make in an entire year.” Turning the knife a bit more, he argues, “The
fact that Clinton — with her massive earning potential and not one, but
two multi-million dollar homes — could have ever considered herself
‘dead broke,’ calls into question her basic perception
of reality. A year later, Clinton is still as out of touch as ever.
She’s stuck in a carefully choreographed campaign cocoon, not taking
questions or talking to real Americans about the problems they face.”
But
Hillary Clinton is not the only one who is missing the boat. Some
Republicans seem to be competing for the greatest number of voters they
can offend. Rick Santorum
wants to get rid of 11 million to 12 million illegal immigrants,
echoing Mitt Romney’s egregious “self-deportation” notion. Forget the
Hispanic vote and those turned off by the GOP’s intolerant image. Former
Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee wants us to believe
officials are free to ignore the Supreme Court. Forget moderates,
professionals and most thinking Americans. Numerous candidates are
enthralled by the flat tax that would hike taxes on working- and
middle-class voters (everyone pays the same percentage!) and/or
open the floodgates of red ink. Forget everyone who is not rich.
There
is another way to go: Be welcoming and appealing to minorities and
women voters while eschewing Hillary Clinton’s Big Business clientele.
And wouldn’t you know,
the top three GOP contenders are more or less doing that? They are pols
who have won state-wide in purple states.
Both
Jeb Bush and Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) favor immigration reform and are
laying out agendas featuring upward mobility. Rubio’s tax plan has a
healthy tax credit for
less well-off families, precisely to address the middle-class squeeze.
(Strict supply-siders are horrified he is “wasting” all that revenue by
giving it to people of modest means.) While yet to put out a national
tax plan, Walker has followed a similar path
in his state, Henry Olsen tells us:
Walker
has lowered Wisconsin’s rates on the personal incomes of all taxpayers,
but he has done so more for those in the bottom tax bracket than for
those in the top. On
his watch, the marginal rate for families earning no more than $32,000
in gross income per year dropped from 4.6 percent to 4.0 percent. He cut
the marginal tax rate for all income-tax brackets, but cut the rate for
those in the top bracket (which for families
starts at $320,000 in taxable yearly income) only a smidgen, from 7.75
percent to 7.65 percent. Moreover, Governor Walker approved two new
deductions, one for contributions to health savings accounts and another
for private K–12 tuition payments. These policies
fly in the face of standard supply-side doctrine. . . . Walker’s tax
policy helps address the GOP’s biggest weakness, the perception that it
is the party of the rich and doesn’t “care about people like me.” Polls
since 2012 have consistently shown that Americans
think the economy is unfairly tilted toward the rich and that the
Republicans are the party of the rich. A tax policy that essentially
says America isn’t doing enough for rich people is unlikely to help the
GOP nominee in 2016.
In
short, if Hillary is going to leave large chunks of the electorate on
the table, as it were, Republicans can position themselves to scoop up
those voters. They, however,
will not do this if they turn off a fleet of voters either by their
rhetoric or policy preferences. Politicians who have had to win by
reaching a diverse electorate seem to understand this. Others should
take note.
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