Los Angeles Times (Editorial-California)
January 7, 2015
One
thing we've learned about President Obama's opponents over the last six
years is that they like to sue. A lot. Which should be surprising,
given the professed reluctance
of conservatives to use the courts to effect political change. While
calculated grandstanding has a long history in politics, a spate of
legal challenges by state-level elected officials is a wasteful
annoyance for voters who would prefer their representatives
to focus on legislating and governing.
Polls routinely show high support among voters for immigration reform.
Among
the most recent targets: the president's executive directives on
immigration and his 2012 Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program.
Both aim to provide breathing
room to some immigrants living in the country illegally, including
those who were brought here as children and others who are parents of
U.S. citizens or who have legal permanent resident status. Neither
policy confers legal status on people who don't currently
have it or creates new law; rather, they are efforts to focus limited
immigration enforcement resources on those who pose a threat to public
safety. These are humane steps to take until the immigration system can
be reformed.
Nevertheless,
the lawsuits keep coming. Last month, a U.S. District Court dismissed
Maricopa County, Ariz., Sheriff Joe Arpaio's constitutional challenge to
Obama's actions
in part because “the role of the judiciary is to resolve cases and
controversies properly brought by parties with a concrete and
particularized injury — not to engage in policymaking better left to the
political branches.” That was the right decision. The
issues are political, not constitutional.
A
lawsuit filed by governors and attorneys general in 24 Republican-led
states ought to meet the same fate. The states accuse Obama of
overstepping the limits of his office
by, among other things, promulgating new rules without proper public
notification and review (the directives, though, are not rules, but
orders on how to enforce existing ones). Yet the crux of the legal
complaint is a political argument: The plaintiffs blame
Obama administration policies for the surge of children across the
Mexican border last summer, and they base their analysis of the
executive directives on Obama's public rhetoric (which has been
self-contradictory).
So
the states face the same hurdle Arpaio did: Their arguments come down
to policy decisions and enforcement priorities and do not constitute a
well-grounded legal challenge
to Obama's authority. They accuse him of violating his constitutional
responsibility to “take care that the laws are faithfully executed.” But
prioritizing enforcement targets does not abrogate that responsibility.
Polls
routinely show high support among voters for immigration reform, though
there is disagreement over exactly what form it should take.
Chest-thumping on the courtroom
steps does not move us closer to what we need. If the Republican state
officials really want a fix, they should pressure their congressional
delegations to negotiate meaningful reform in Washington.
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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