New York Times
By Michael Shear
January 3, 2015
As
Republicans prepare to take full control of Congress on Tuesday, the
party’s leaders are counting on judges, not their newly elected majority
on Capitol Hill, to roll back President Obama’s
aggressive second-term agenda and block his executive actions on health
care, climate change and immigration.
On
health care, Republicans in Washington have sued the president and
joined state lawsuits urging the Supreme Court to declare major parts of
the Affordable Care Act unconstitutional. On
climate change, state attorneys general and coal industry groups are
urging federal courts to block the president’s plan to regulate power
plants. And on immigration, conservative lawmakers and state officials
have demanded that federal judges overturn Mr.
Obama’s plan to prevent millions of deportations.
Democrats
say the legal moves reflect a convenient turnabout for the Republican
Party and a newfound willingness to seek an active role for the
judiciary when it benefits conservative policy
goals.
“What
they cannot win in the legislative body, they now seek and hope to
achieve through judicial activism,” said Representative Gerald E.
Connolly, Democrat of Virginia. “That is such delicious
irony, it makes one’s head spin.”
But
conservative legal scholars say Republicans are justified in seeking
judicial relief from what they believe has been a series of egregious
abuses of power by Mr. Obama. They argue that
urging the courts to restrain the president’s authority is legally
different from a liberal judge’s using rulings to invent new rights
under the Constitution.
Legal
distinctions aside, the results may be similar: In 2015, major policy
decisions affecting millions of Americans will be debated and decided in
courtrooms, not legislatures.
“Given
the state of dysfunction in Congress, in many cases, the courts do
represent the last opportunity to get a fair hearing on these issues,”
said Patrick Morrisey, the attorney general
of West Virginia, who is leading the court fight against the
president’s efforts to regulate coal.
Mr.
Morrisey, a Republican, disputed the view of many liberals that
conservatives are now looking for help from the activist judges they
once derided. “Quite the opposite, it’s a call for
adhering to the rule of law,” he said.
As
the new year begins, conservatives and Republican officials have filed
legal briefs in courts across the country aimed at persuading judges to
block Mr. Obama from exercising his executive
authority and to stop expansive decisions by his agencies.
In
an amicus brief filed in December on behalf of 68 members of Congress,
the American Center for Law and Justice, which fights for conservative
causes in the courts, argued that Mr. Obama’s
immigration actions were unconstitutional because officials had
“exceeded the bounds of their prosecutorial discretion and abdicated
their duty to faithfully execute the law.” In another brief, the group
urged the Supreme Court to invalidate the president’s
health care tax subsidies, saying they were the “most egregious example
of the administration’s make-it-up-as-we-go approach to implementing”
the health care law.
Mr.
Morrisey is also seeking to convince a federal court that Mr. Obama’s
attempts to have the Environmental Protection Agency set standards for
carbon emissions amount to illegal double regulation
of power plants, which already must comply with rules about mercury and
other pollutants.
Senator
Charles E. Schumer, Democrat of New York, said he believed the
president’s policies would withstand the legal challenges, saying of the
administration, “Certainly, they were very,
very careful not to go beyond what the law will allow.”
Mr.
Schumer added that the Republican definition of an activist judge was
flexible. “They decry the courts’ overruling or implementing things they
don’t like,” he said, “but are eager to have
the courts implement things they like.”
Jay
Sekulow, chief counsel at the American Center for Law and Justice,
countered that conservatives were turning to judges more frequently
because of Mr. Obama’s moves to enact sweeping policy
on his own, and because gridlock in Washington had prevented Republican
efforts to stop him.
“The
courts are the venue, really, to try to keep the presidential authority
in check,” Mr. Sekulow said in an interview. “That’s why the
conservatives are turning to the courts.”
For years, conservatives criticized liberals who sought judicial action on civil rights or social issues.
“We’re
seeing that activist judges across the country are overturning the will
of the people,” Franklin Graham, a son of the Rev. Billy Graham, told a
television station in Charlotte, N.C.,
in October after the Supreme Court declined to review lower-court
rulings that had declared same-sex marriage bans in several states
unconstitutional.
In
2004, President George W. Bush offered his support for a constitutional
amendment to ban same-sex marriage, saying the change was required to
counter “activist judges and local officials”
who had “made an aggressive attempt to redefine marriage.”
In
2013, Senator Marco Rubio, Republican of Florida, said in a statement
that the Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision legalizing abortion was “one
of America’s most blatant instances of judicial
activism.”
But
the courts have also been a source of political victories for
Republicans, most notably in 2000, when the Supreme Court intervened to
stop the counting of presidential ballots in Florida
and gave Mr. Bush the White House.
In
2008, the Supreme Court affirmed that the Second Amendment protects the
right to individual gun ownership, an important conservative cause. In
2010, it prohibited restrictions on campaign
contributions in the Citizens United case, another win for
conservatives.
Clark
Neily, a senior lawyer at the Institute for Justice, a libertarian
group, said many conservatives were now eager for judges to be more
aggressive in examining, and possibly overturning,
the federal government’s actions. But he said the term “activist” had
become pejorative. He prefers to call for more “judicial engagement.”
Scott
Pruitt, the attorney general of Oklahoma and a Republican, has been
among the most determined state officials in turning to the courts in
the last several years. His office filed the
first challenge to the health care law’s subsidies. Mr. Pruitt said the
latest efforts by conservatives to challenge the administration were
critical to guard against a federal government that he said had seized
too much power.
“At
its core, I would not characterize this as a political or a policy
response,” Mr. Pruitt said. “From my vantage point, it is truly about
these issues of federalism and rule of law that
really matter to the states.”
Mr. Pruitt said state officials had no choice but to turn to the courts.
“Is
that activism?” he asked. “To me, that’s the opposite of activism. It
is using the courts to make sure we go back to respect for the rule of
law.”
Others
see it differently. Mr. Connolly, whose constituents include federal
workers in the Virginia suburbs outside Washington, said the Supreme
Court’s decision in the 2000 Bush v. Gore case
had sent a signal to conservatives to view the courts as a place for
political success.
“It
absolutely opened the floodgates to such judicial activism from the
right,” Mr. Connolly said. “It blessed it, and it sanctioned it.”
He predicted that in 2015, the Republican court strategy would have “some successes and some disappointments.”
The
first big test will come in June, when the Supreme Court is expected to
rule in the health care case. Mr. Pruitt expressed confidence about the
outcome.
“On the merits, we have a strong argument, a strong position,” he said. “I’m encouraged as we head into 2015.”
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