Washington Post
By David Nakamura and Ed O’Keefe
April 10, 2014
The
Obama administration is likely to take steps in coming weeks to ease
the pace of deportations for some illegal immigrants and is also
considering much broader changes
if GOP lawmakers continue to block immigration reforms, according to
several House Democrats and aides, who met with the new homeland
security secretary this week.
White
House aides say that no decisions have been made by President Obama,
and cautioned that there are serious legal obstacles to bypassing
Congress on immigration policies.
But
members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus and aides who were
involved in a closed-door briefing with Homeland Security Secretary Jeh
Johnson said they believe the
tide is shifting in favor of some unilateral action by the
administration.
Johnson
told the group that he had a series of “short-term goals” that he hoped
to address in coming weeks and that he would focus on “longer-term”
issues later, after
completing a comprehensive review ordered by Obama, participants said.
Changes could include narrowing the definition of who should be deported
under currrent policies, which have esnared many immigrants with steady
jobs and young families arrested for relatively
minor offenses.
“We
have an administration that has said, ‘There’s nothing I can do,
there’s nothing I can do, there’s nothing I can do,’ ” said Rep. Luis
Gutierrez (D-Ill.), an outspoken
critic of the administration’s deportation policies. “Now, we’re
sitting down with a homeland security secretary who’s saying, ‘I’m
reviewing everything,’ and clearly he’s going to take steps.”
Peter
Boorgaard, a DHS spokesman, said Thursday, “Any report of specific
considerations at this time would be premature.” He added that Johnson
“has been taking a hard
look at these tough issues” and that the “process is ongoing, and will
be conducted expeditiously.”
Any
executive moves on immigration could have a significant impact on this
year’s midterm elections, cheering many Democrats while angering
conservative Republicans who
oppose a comprehensive border agreement.
Some
Democrats and pro-immigration advocates argue that a decision to
further ease the pace of deportations would help drive Latino and Asian
American voters to the polls,
as in 2012, when Obama offered temporary legal status to hundreds of
thousands of young illegal immigrants.
But
others, including some inside the administration, say the political
calculus this time around is much less clear. Nearly all of the
competitive Senate races are in
states with small proportions of Hispanics and Asian Americans, the two
groups that would benefit most from more liberal border control
policies.
Some
Democrats also fear that a unilateral immigration move before November
could make the party’s turnout problem worse by driving more Republicans
to the polls in some
races.
Angela
Kelley, vice president for immigration policy at the liberal Center for
American progress, supported the president’s decision in 2012 to stem
deportations of young
immigrants and she believes Obama has the ability to expand on that
decision.
However,
Kelley said she agrees with the president’s advice to advocates at a
White House meeting two weeks ago to focus on pressing House Republicans
to pass a comprehensive
legislative deal, which would have a larger and more lasting impact.
“You
don’t necessarily follow the same playbook: 2014 is not 2012,” Kelley
said in an inteview before the Congressional Hispanic Caucus met with
Johnson. “And the next
step in policy is not as same as the first step.”
Obama
is under growing pressure from Latinos and pro-immigration groups to
slow or halt deportations, and he has ordered Johnson to complete a
review of immigration enforcement
policies by June. The administration has deported more than 2 million
people since Obama took office — more than the George W. Bush
administration did in eight years — and the president has said he wants
Johnson to find ways to make the policies “more humane.”
Some
Republican strategists have urged the party to embrace reform in the
wake of nominee Mitt Romney’s loss to Obama two years ago, but GOP
leaders in the House have
blocked efforts to pass legislation there. On Thursday, House Minority
Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) suggested that Republican opposition is
fueled, at least partially, by race.
“I
think race has something to do with the fact that they are not bringing
up an immigration bill,” Pelosi said of GOP leaders. She added later:
“I’ve heard them say to
the Irish, ‘If it were just you, this would be easy.’ ”
House
Speaker John A. Boehner (R-Ohio) later angrily dismissed Pelosi’s
charge. Boehner told reporters that opposition to immigration has
nothing to do with race but instead
with “frustration” that the administration has not been truthful about
issues related to the Internal Revenue Service; the attack on the U.S.
diplomatic compound in Benghazi, Libya; and other matters.
In
some competitive House races, Democrats are attempting to use the issue
against Republicans whose districts have significant Latino
populations.
The
Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has attacked Rep. Stevan
Pearce (R-N.M.) for supporting GOP proposals that would force the Obama
administration to deport
roughly 800,000 children of illegal immigrants, saying that his votes
“torpedoed the chances of bipartisan comprehensive immigration reform
happening this Congress.” The committee also lambasted Rep. Mike Coffman
(R-Colo.) for refusing to join with Democrats
to force a vote on an immigration bill that is sponsored by three other
Republicans.
But
it is on the Senate side where the equation becomes more difficult for
Democrats. Republicans need to pick up six seats to win control, and
tight races in Louisiana,
Arkansas, Alaska and North Carolina, among others, have Democrats
nervous about Obama’s sluggish approval ratings and GOP attacks on the
president’s health-care law.
In
states with the 10 most competitive Senate races, only Colorado and
Alaska have a higher percentage of Latinos and Asian Americans,
respectively, than the U.S. population
as a whole.
If
anything, some advocates said, a major move by the White House could
backfire by providing fodder for Republicans who cite Obama’s 2012 deferred action program as evidence
that Obama refuses to uniformly enforce border control laws. The
administration says that more than 500,000 young people have been
granted protections under the program, which applies to immigrants first
brought to the United States as children.
“The
politics work against him right now if the Senate is what they’re
focused on,” said one immigration advocacy leader, who spoke on
condition of anonymity to be candid
about electoral strategy. “A big or small administrative action plays
into the right’s narrative of an imperial president.”
At
the time of the 2012 announcement, the White House and the Obama
reelection campaign appeared fearful that the president could lose
Latino support in the face of an
effort by Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) to develop an alternative to the
failed Dream Act, which sought to provide legal status to young
immigrants.
After
Obama unveiled his own program, Rubio dropped his immigration efforts
for that year. The president cruised to reelection with more than 70
percent of the vote among
Hispanics and Asian Americans.
Some
advocates said 2015 might be a better time for Obama to make a
unilateral move, as it would be tied more clearly to the 2016
presidential race. But others said that
strategy has its own risks for the Democrat currently occupying the
Oval Office.
Rep.
Raul Grijalva (D-Ariz.), a frequent and outspoken critic of Obama’s
deportation policies, said he left this week’s meeting with Johnson
impressed by what he heard.
“I
told him that it’s just got to happen quickly, because people are
feeling abandoned by us,” said Grijalva, a member of the Congressional
Hispanic Caucus. “It’s the
first time I thought we in the CHC were treated as grown-ups.”
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