New York Times
By John Harwood
April 28, 2014
WASHINGTON
— John Podesta got a brief burst of attention from his hiring in a
White House “shake-up,” Sylvia Mathews Burwell will be in sharp focus in
coming confirmation
hearings to be health and human services secretary and the cameras
loved Jacob J. Lew, the Treasury secretary, during the debt-ceiling
wars.
Yet
the three of them can perform more valuable services for the Obama
administration out of the spotlight than in. All three are considered
competent, low-key managers,
which is why they are in their jobs. For the remainder of President
Obama’s term, what matters most to his success is what Washington
watches least: competent governmental management.
Although
the part of his presidency that involves getting major new laws through
Congress has wound down, the part that involves effectively running the
vast federal apparatus
to carry out his priorities still has nearly three years to go.
In
one way, the situation is liberating for Mr. Obama because, in
basketball terms, it puts the ball in his hands at the end of the game.
But it is also perilous. From
starting health care exchanges to overseeing the National Security
Agency to executing his Syria policy, the diffident chief executive and
his team have repeatedly thrown the ball out of bounds.
“He’s
a nonmanager,” said Charles O. Jones, a presidential scholar and a
senior fellow at the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University
of Virginia.
Mr.
Obama still aims to win over Republicans on immigration legislation and
a minimum-wage increase. He travels the country raising money and
campaigning to help Democrats
hold the Senate in midterm elections this fall.
But
the stakes of partisan battles have diminished, as they always do near
the end of any president’s tenure. So in reshaping his second-term team,
Mr. Obama has given
new emphasis to managing the executive branch.
“That’s
part of being on an arc of success in a presidency,” Mr. Podesta said.
“The things you got moving on get done right, and so are harder later to
uproot.”
The effort to limit carbon emissions and fight climate change, a central priority of Mr. Obama’s since 2008, is one big example.
Republicans
won the fight in Congress over Mr. Obama’s “cap-and-trade” plan, which
would have forced industry to pay a price on carbon emissions. Thus Mr.
Obama hired
Mr. Podesta, a former chief of staff for President Bill Clinton, to
help oversee his fallback plan: new executive branch rules on power
plant emissions.
Those
rules, Mr. Obama calculates, can at least let him keep his
international commitment pledging that the United States will cut its
greenhouse gas emissions 17 percent
from 2005 levels by 2020.
He
will succeed only if aides craft the rules skillfully enough to
withstand legal challenges and dissuade subsequent presidents and
Congresses from discarding them. Mr.
Podesta’s earlier experiences with White House rule-making found both
victory (on protection of forests) and defeat (on workplace ergonomics)
after Mr. Clinton left office.
Another
second-term priority is carrying out the Dodd-Frank law, which aims to
prevent future government bailouts by ensuring that no institution is
“too big to fail.”
Democrats
won the legislative fight over new Wall Street oversight, a top Obama
effort after the 2008 financial meltdown. Yet the law firm Davis Polk
& Wardwell estimates
that one-fourth of needed administrative regulations have not yet been
proposed for Dodd-Frank.
Shepherding
that process, and harmonizing American rules with the global financial
system, is a major responsibility for Mr. Lew, chairman of the
multiagency Financial
Stability Oversight Council. Both Wall Street executives and their
liberal critics credit the Treasury secretary with pushing colleagues to
complete by 2015 the complex Volcker Rule, a main element of Dodd-Frank
that limits banks’ ability to bet with their
own money.
Mr.
Obama’s first Treasury chief, Timothy F. Geithner, feuded with Sheila
C. Bair, then chairwoman of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation.
“You now have a team that
works well together,” said Barney Frank, the retired Democratic
representative from Massachusetts who co-wrote the law.
Mr.
Frank, who observed five presidents over 32 years in Congress, called
Mr. Obama “about average” as a manager. But he said the president has
sometimes paid a price
for aloofness from those outside his inner circle, including important
appointees.
Mr.
Obama is “less hands-on than Clinton,” Mr. Frank said, comparing the
Democratic presidents. Two things puzzled him, he added: the apparent
difficulty Mr. Obama has
in reining in the intelligence agencies, and the bungled rollout of
federal health care marketplaces.
Which
brings up another Obama priority, the health care law. This month, the
president nominated Ms. Burwell, his budget director and former head of
the Walmart Foundation,
to try to make the law run more smoothly. “I could choose no manager as
experienced, as competent,” Mr. Obama said.
Though
the law’s first enrollment period ended strongly with eight million
sign-ups, the administration must build on that in 2015 and 2016 to
ensure that the marketplaces
have enough young people — who are overall healthier and get sick less —
to hold down the cost of premiums.
The
better Ms. Burwell and her colleagues perform, the less chance there is
for future Republicans in Congress or the White House to significantly
alter, much less repeal,
the Affordable Care Act.
Overall,
a president’s ability to be a good manager is unpredictable.
Presidential candidates often promote experience in the governor’s
office as superior preparation,
but neither George Bush’s experience as Texas governor nor his
distinction as the first president with a business degree prevented the
management failures of the Iraq war or his response to Hurricane
Katrina.
“Presidents
often don’t care about management until it’s too late,” writes Donald
Kettl, dean of the University of Maryland’s School of Public Policy, in
the coming issue
of Government Executive magazine.
In
Mr. Obama’s case, Mr. Kettl concludes, improving his poll numbers on
health care and other programs is no longer the point: “The best way for
Obama to secure his legacy
is to ensure his favored programs actually perform well.”
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