Roll Call (Opinion)
By Morton Kondracke
May 14, 2015
A
plan is circulating on Capitol Hill and among immigrant advocate groups
to give Republicans in Congress the chance to get something
constructive done this year on the
fractious issue — and perhaps undercut Hillary Rodham Clinton’s shrewd
(and cynical) effort to lock down the Hispanic vote in 2016.
The
plan is the work of Rick Swartz, founder of the National Immigration
Forum and longstanding campaigner for left-right policy solutions on
environmental, trade, tax
and agricultural issues. He’s advocating — not for the first time —
that Congress pass a “small bill” solving part of America’s immigration
problem, recognizing that comprehensive reform has zero chance of
enactment anytime soon.
His
proposal would give legal status and a path to citizenship to 1 to 1.3
million young people brought to the U.S. illegally as children
(so-called DREAMers) and an equal
number of agricultural workers. It would also give green cards to about
700,000 high-skilled foreign workers and foreign students getting
university degrees in the U.S. and shorten the waiting time (now, often
decades) for 3 million legal immigration applicants
to get to the U.S.
All
the elements have been the subject of legislation in past Congresses,
but have been stymied by partisan politics — Democrats’ refusal to
consider anything but comprehensive
reform covering most or all of the 11 million illegals in the U.S., and
Republicans’ unwillingness to countenance anything that could be
branded as “amnesty” by the party’s right-wing.
Swartz’s
plan, which he says has attracted interest from pro-reform Republicans
and Democratic sponsors of past DREAM and AgJobs legislation, plus some
pro-immigrant groups,
has the virtue of having at least a chance of passing Congress.
Comprehensive
reform of the kind advocated last week by Clinton does not have much of
a chance as long as Republicans dominate Congress. And she has to know
it, which
is why her move was cynical — as well as politically very shrewd.
The
agenda she laid out in Nevada last week satisfies every item on the
wish list of immigrant rights activists. She said immigration reform
would be a top priority if
she’s elected and she’d fight to pass a comprehensive bill with a path
to citizenship for most undocumented residents, especially DREAMers.
She
promised she’d extend President Barack Obama’s executive orders to
protect 5.6 million illegals from deportation for three years and offer
them work permits. And,
if Congress didn’t enact comprehensive reform, she promised to go even
farther than Obama has with executive action, deferring deportation of
the parents of so-called DREAMers.
“We
can’t wait any longer for a path to full and equal citizenship,” she
said, sticking it to the GOP. “Now this is where I differ from everybody
on the Republican side.
Make no mistake: today not a single Republican candidate announced or
potential is clearly or consistently supporting a path to citizenship –
not one.”
“When
they talk about ‘legal status,’ that is code for second-class status,”
she said, evidently referring to former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, probably
the most immigration-friendly
of all the GOP candidates, who has backed off his previous advocacy of citizenship under criticism from right-wingers.
Clinton’s
move was shrewd as a play to capture support from an expected 17
million Hispanics registered to vote in 2016, a projected 13 percent of
the electorate, up from
10 percent in 2012.
Last
month, GOP pollster Whit Ayers, who’s working for presidential hopeful
Marco Rubio, said his party’s nominee needs to capture 40 percent of the
Hispanic vote to win
the election. In 2012, Mitt Romney got only 25 percent and in 2008,
John McCain got 31 percent of Latino votes.
Clinton’s
move was cynical in promising what she must know she can’t deliver.
Comprehensive reform plans have been introduced in Congress repeatedly
since the last one
was enacted in 1986 and they have all failed. The Senate passed a
bipartisan bill in 2013, but it was blocked in the House. And as long as
Republicans run Congress, broad bills will continue to be blocked.
By
holding out for comprehensive-or-nothing legislation, Democrats have
successfully painted Republicans as anti-immigrant and have won favor
with Hispanic voters. But
they’ve accomplished nothing.
If
Congress failed to act in 2017, Clinton promised as president that she
would make immigration law by executive order even more than Obama
already has tried to do. That’s
cynical, too. Obama’s orders have been enjoined by a federal judge in
Texas and could be tied up in the courts through his presidency.
Hers would be challenged on constitutional grounds, too, at least delaying any action on immigration.
It’s
likely that Obama, having promised Hispanics in 2008 he’d reform
immigration policy, will accomplish precisely nothing in eight years.
How the Supreme Court ultimately
will rule on his (or Clinton’s) executive orders is anybody’s guess.
If
Clinton were seriously interested in making progress, she’d promise to
work with Members of Congress, Republicans and Democrats, to enact as
much immigration reform
as possible. Instead, she’s playing politics, hoping to win massive
Latino support and make Republicans look bad.
And
Republicans do look bad. Party leaders promise incremental reform, but
they persistently allow anti-reform conservatives block any action.
As
a matter of institutional pride and responsibility, Congress shouldn’t
be allowing the Executive Branch and the courts make immigration law.
Everyone says the immigration
system is “broken.” It’s Congress’s job to fix it. Moreover, as a
matter of political survival, Republicans should stop alienating the
nation’s fastest-growing demographic group.
Swartz’s
plan offers a roadmap out of this mire—a chance for Congress to at
least partially solve the immigration mess. Republicans could say
they’ve accomplished more
than Obama ever has. Democrats would be put on the spot: would they
oppose some progress on immigration because it doesn’t accomplish
everything they want?
If
an incremental bill actually passed Congress, pro-reform Republicans
would have triumphed over right-wing nativists in their party. That
would demonstrate that the
GOP is not anti-Hispanic. It would help DREAMERs, agricultural workers
and high-tech industries. The US would stop educating foreign students,
then forcing them to leave once they graduate. The families of those
waiting in legal immigration lines would be
re-united.
And partial solutions this year might lead to more comprehensive ones later.
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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