Washington Post (Plum Line)
By Paul Waldman
May 26, 2016
This
is a big week for presidential contenders. On the Democratic side,
Bernie Sanders holds an event today launching his already-announced run,
while Martin O’Malley will reportedly
be announcing his candidacy on Saturday. Rick Santorum has an event
scheduled for tomorrow which will presumably involve him throwing his
hat in the ring, and most exciting of all, the boiling cauldron of
charisma that is George Pataki will be upending the
race on Thursday by announcing his bid.
Depending
on whom you decide to count and who joins the race, the GOP primary
looks like it will have around 15 candidates or so, which is more than
any presidential contest in
memory.
So how does a race that crowded affect the decisions the candidates make? And how will that affect the eventual nominee?
The
truth is that having so many competitors changes how the candidates
themselves approach the campaign. If you look at the current national
polls, what immediately jumps out is
that no one has that much support. Only one candidate, Scott Walker,
manages to crack 15 percent on average, and only two others (Jeb Bush
and Marco Rubio) are even in double digits.
That
means that most of the candidates are within a few points of one
another, and most know that they’re in danger of falling off the media’s
radar (and in short order that of
voters). The fact that the primary debates will likely not include all
of them (Fox News has announced that it will only allow ten candidates
in its debates) will inevitably increase the anxiety of those clustered
at the bottom.
So
they’ll need something to distinguish themselves, and a strong grasp of
policy or an interesting personal story probably won’t be enough. So
how can you do so, if your positions
on issues are virtually indistinguishable from all your opponents?
One
answer may be to come up with a dramatic policy proposal, one of a
particular type: an idea that many Republicans would find appealing, but
that most (or all) Republicans think
is a little too hot to advocate publicly.
Chris
Christie tried that last month when he came out for cutting Social
Security benefits by means testing and raising the retirement age. It
went over poorly, because Republican
voters like their Social Security too, and the idea of cuts is mostly
popular in elite conservative circles. But we could see other candidates
try something similar on other issues.
For
instance, until now the candidates have been critical of the Obama
administration’s handling of ISIS, but have also been extremely vague
about what they would do differently.
No doubt that’s because they realize that the idea of another large
military campaign in Iraq won’t go over too well with the broader
public. But there are certainly a healthy number of conservative
Republicans who would be all too happy to see us go back
to Iraq in force and start kicking some butts. So a candidate who
promised to re-invade Iraq would get a lot of attention, and just maybe
enough support to vault from the third tier to the second tier.
There’s
room to go right on other issues too. When they talk about immigration,
Republicans are careful to say that of course we can’t just round up 11
million people and deport
them. But some candidate could come up with an immigration plan so
tough it could make the rest of them look like immigrant-huggers. Or on
taxes: All the GOP candidates want to cut taxes, but no one has emerged
yet as the one who wants to cut taxes more than
any other. Don’t forget, four years ago many voters found Herman Cain’s
“9-9-9″ plan compelling, absurd though it might have been.
Even
if these kinds of proposals aren’t exactly the province of someone
who’s going to go on to win the general election, they could alter the
debate within the party. The top-tier
candidates could find themselves having to explain why they don’t want
to start bombing Iran now or repeal the Clean Air Act, and they’ll be
pulled as ever not to anger any base voters. At the very least, the
desperation of the candidates at the bottom could
make for some uncomfortable times for those at the top — or give them
an incentive to try to grab a percent here and a percent there by going
just as far to the right on a particular issue as one inevitable
also-ran or another.
With
so many candidates splitting the vote so many ways, even the leading
ones won’t feel secure until primary voters are left with only a few
choices. Until then, the party’s policy
debates could be unpredictable, and even, at times, shocking.
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