Washington Post (Plum Line)
By Greg Sargent
May 21, 2015
A
new Pew poll finds that a huge majority of Republican voters want the
GOP Congress to be even more confrontational towards President Obama
than it has been thus far,
while Democrats are much more closely split on whether Obama should be
more confrontational towards Republicans:
The
survey finds deep differences in how Republicans and Democrats want
President Obama and GOP leaders to deal with issues. Fully 75% of
Republicans want GOP leaders
to challenge Obama more often; just 15% say they are handling relations
with the president about right and 7% say GOP leaders should go along
with Obama more often.
Fewer
Democrats (49%) want Obama to challenge Republicans more often; 33% say
he is handling this about right while 11% want him to go along with GOP
leaders more often.
Three-fourths
of Republicans want GOP leaders to challenge Obama more often, versus a
total of 22 percent who say they have it right or want them to be more
accommodating.
By contrast, among Democrats, 49 percent want more confrontation from
Obama versus 44 percent who say he has it right or should be more
accommodating.
This
is not the first poll to hint at this dynamic. A recent NBC/WSJ survey
found that a plurality of Republicans think the Congressional GOP is too
compromising with
Obama, while a plurality of Democrats think Obama’s posture towards the
GOP is just right — suggesting Republican voters are far less inclined
towards seeing their leaders compromise than are Democratic voters.
Such
findings raise the question: Is there something fundamental to today’s
GOP that has led its voters to become increasingly hostile to the very
idea of compromise,
as political scientist Jonathan Bernstein has suggested? Or are these
sorts of findings just a fleeting permutation amid rising partisanship
on both sides?
I
put the question to political scientist Alan Abramowitz, who attracted a
lot of attention with a recent paper arguing that American politics is
marked by “negative partisanship,”
i.e., the feeling among both parties’ voters that they are increasingly
distant in ideological terms from — and hence feel increasingly
negative towards — the opposing party.
His
answer: It’s not clear yet. Abramowitz said his own research shows an
equivalence on both sides in rising “negative partisanship,” but the Pew
numbers also suggest
it could be getting juiced up even more on the Republican side because a
Dem is in the White House. That could flip under a GOP president.
“Democrats
and Republicans dislike the other party equally, but for Republicans
that is reinforced by an intense dislike for Obama, a Democratic
president,” Abramowitz
said. “But even the percentage against compromise among Democrats is
pretty high. With a Republican in the White House, you might see that
number higher for Democrats.” For instance, Abramowitz noted, imagine
how Democratic voters might want a Dem Congress
to approach President Scott Walker, whose tenure in Wisconsin has led
to years of bitter ideological struggles.
Where
could Republicans be more confrontational towards Obama? Some
conservatives were angry at GOP leaders for eventually funding the
Department of Homeland Security
instead of holding out to defund Obama’s executive actions on
deportations. But GOP leaders did kill legislative immigration reform in
the House, and they have denounced those executive actions as
lawlessness at every opportunity. Two dozen GOP states are
suing to block them. Some conservatives wanted Republicans to block
Loretta Lynch, but that would have meant standing in the way of the
first female African American Attorney General. Republicans agreed to a
framework for Congressional oversight on any future
Iran deal that could end up allowing that deal to go forward, but a
tougher framework might have failed to win 67 Senate votes to get past
Obama’s veto of it. A number of GOP states are still holding out hard
against the Medicaid expansion.
And
yet, a very large majority of Republicans wants more confrontation
towards Obama. That doesn’t bode particularly well for what’s ahead. It
could complicate things
if the Supreme Court guts subsidies for millions, and Republican
leaders decide that a contingency fix is a “must-pass” to punt political
fallout until after 2016. It could make Republicans dig in even harder
against Obama-negotiated Iran and global climate
deals. It could complicate the push to replenish the Highway Trust
Fund, which Obama will demand on the grounds that failure will kill jobs
and infrastructure projects around the country. It might result in
pressure on GOP leaders to extract concessions —
or go through the motions of trying to extract concessions, which
itself can be damaging — in exchange for a debt ceiling hike.
And
of course, the desire among Republican voters for more of a challenge
to Obama could impact the GOP presidential primary, too, leading the GOP
candidates to oppose
all of those initiatives. “We’re already seeing the Republican
candidates link attacks on Obama and on Hillary Clinton more and more
closely,” Abramowitz says. “We’re going to see that continue.” Should be
a fun year.
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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