Wall Street Journal (Opinion)
By Dan Schnur
May 1, 2015
The wall-builders are winning.
Throughout
modern history, Americans tend to turn inward during times of economic
insecurity. It’s easy to blame people from other parts of the world for
our own troubles,
and it’s convenient for politicians of both parties to stoke those
fears for their gain. In recent years, this brand of isolationism has
been most visible in widespread Republican opposition to comprehensive
immigration reform. But as Barack Obama’s sweeping
Trans-Pacific Partnership trade legislation comes closer to a vote on
Capitol Hill, it appears that Democrats can be determined wall-builders
too.
Recent
vote counts show that only a dozen or so of the 188 House Democrats are
currently supporting Mr. Obama’s trade bill. Nancy Pelosi is opposing
the bill. Hillary
Clinton is uncommitted. And organized labor is threatening to campaign
against any Democrat who signs on in support of one of the Democratic
president’s top economic priorities.
The
trade bill is not dead by any means. Bill Clinton achieved a
last-minute rescue of the North American Free Trade Agreement under
similarly dire circumstances in the
1990s. But Mr. Clinton’s victory came during his first year in office,
not at the tail end of his second term. Congress was a much less
polarized place then, with much larger numbers of centrists in both
parties. And Mr. Clinton’s preternatural people skills
allowed him to maintain much closer relationships on the other end of
Pennsylvania Avenue than the more remote Mr. Obama has.
This
isn’t meant to be a partisan screed against Democrats. As I noted
earlier, Republicans have long devoted an overabundance of energy and
vitriol in their efforts to
defeat immigration reform under both Presidents Bush and Obama. Both
parties are equally culpable for creating a political environment in
which engagement with the rest of the world–whether in economic or human
terms–is cause for alarm rather than celebration.
Presidents
tend to see the benefits of engaging globally. But neither Mr. Bush or
Mr. Obama have been able to pry their own parties away from the fears of
their respective
ideological bases. The new crop of Republican presidential
candidates–with only a few commendable exceptions–compete to see who can
position himself as the most ardent foe of a naturalization and
legalization process. The combination of Bernie Sanders and
Martin O’Malley on the campaign trail–along with the just-off-the-trail
presence of Elizabeth Warren–seems to have convinced Mrs. Clinton that
staying out of this trade fight is her safest path forward.
More
discouraging than the hyper-polarization that undermines U.S. efforts
to engage globally is the predictable response to that gridlock. On a
political landscape dominated
by selective outrage, Democrats will attack Republicans for kowtowing
to the nativism of their party’s conservative base. Republicans will
assault Democrats for caving to the paranoia of their party’s liberal
extremists.
Both sets of accusations will be correct. And the walls separating the U.S. from the rest of the world will continue to grow.
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