New York Times
By Fernanda Santos
February 9, 2016
When
Doug Ducey ran for governor of this border state, he accused President
Obama of “dithering far too long” on immigration and vowed to “fight
back” against illegal
border crossers, pledging to use every resource at his command:
“fencing, satellites, guardsmen, more police and prosecutors.”
Now
in his second year as the governor of Arizona — a state at the
forefront of immigration and border issues, with a growing Latino
population — Mr. Ducey, a Republican,
has done none of that. He has avoided pressures from his party’s
presidential candidates even after one of them, Donald J. Trump, twice
visited the state to promote the “big” and “beautiful” wall he said he
would build to keep illegal immigrants away if he
was elected.
“I
want this state to be known for what it is, the land of opportunity,”
Mr. Ducey said in an interview. “So our main focus is our economy and
our education system.”
But
he may soon have to wade into the divisive immigration debate, which is
again coloring Arizona’s legislative session and bringing angry crowds
of protesters to the
Capitol’s lawn and hearing rooms.
One
bill would punish communities that offer sanctuary to unauthorized
immigrants facing deportation; those communities’ share of state
revenues would be withheld. Another
measure would require judges to sentence undocumented immigrants to the
fullest possible term in prison for whatever crime they committed. A
Senate committee approved both on Feb. 3 in party-line votes.
A
third bill, which would impose citizenship and legal residency
requirements for municipal identification cards, cleared three Senate
committees in three weeks with blanket
support from Republican lawmakers, underscoring their priorities here
in an election year.
“It’s
tough to propose new illegal immigration bills in Arizona, because
we’ve pretty much done them all,” said State Senator John Kavanagh, a
retired Port Authority of
New York and New Jersey police officer who found a second calling as a
leading conservative in Arizona.
Already,
the state has one of the nation’s toughest stances on illegal
immigration. It has battled in state and federal courts to deny driver’s
licenses and in-state tuition
to undocumented immigrants who were granted deferred deportation by Mr.
Obama. It is home to Sheriff Joe Arpaio of Maricopa County, who made a
name for himself as an unapologetic pursuer of unauthorized migrants.
And it ushered in a harsh new wave of immigration
enforcement when it gave the police broad powers to question anyone
suspected of being in the country illegally — passing the “show me your
papers” law in 2010.
Mr.
Kavanagh was among the crucial supporters of the measure, which Mr.
Ducey’s predecessor, Jan Brewer, approved. The legislation divided a
state already scarred by years
of targeted enforcement against Latinos, who make up one-third of the
population.
The
municipal identification bill, which Mr. Kavanagh also sponsored, “is
primarily to protect the integrity of government ID cards,” he said,
“but it does have an impact
on illegal immigration, because it prevents illegal immigrants from
getting one of those cards.”
Mr.
Ducey has not said a word about this or the other immigration bills.
But people on both sides of the immigration debate are eagerly awaiting
any action he might take
on the measures. They could serve as a litmus test for his positions on
the subject, which, as governor, he has deftly avoided articulating.
If
the bills hit Mr. Ducey’s desk, “will he sign them?” asked State
Senator Martín J. Quezada, a Democratic leader in the
Republican-controlled Legislature, whose district
includes the Maryvale section of Phoenix, where three in four residents
are Latino. “Remember, just because he can, it doesn’t mean that he
should.”
Mr.
Ducey is “focused on the priorities he laid out in his State of the
State address” on Jan. 11, said his spokesman, Daniel Scarpinato. They
include overhauling Arizona’s
beleaguered foster care system and opening a corrections center to
offer intensive drug treatment and other services to certain inmates in
Maricopa County, the state’s most populous.
He
also proposed spending $31.5 million to send 200 state troopers after
drug smugglers along the border, the only border-related program he has
championed so far. The
scope of the effort is a far cry from the $800 million that Gov. Greg
Abbott of Texas, also a Republican, secured from his state’s Legislature
last year to extend indefinitely the deployment of National Guard
troops and air and ground surveillance along the
Rio Grande Valley, which has faced questions over its cost and results.
“Our
goal, because of limited resources, was going after what was most
hurtful, and that was why we went after the drug cartels,” Mr. Ducey
said in the interview, drawing
a distinction between his and Mr. Abbott’s approaches.
And
while Mr. Abbott explained his plan as necessary to counter the federal
government’s “apathetic response to border security,” Mr. Ducey
characterized his plan for
state troopers to target drug smugglers as “adding state muscle” to the
4,000 federal Border Patrol agents in Arizona.
“Where
there’s an opportunity to work together to get results for the citizens
of the state of Arizona, to increase public safety,” he said, “I think
that’s my responsibility
as governor to take advantage.”
Mr.
Ducey had the Customs and Border Protection commissioner, R. Gil
Kerlikowske, an Obama appointee, by his side when he announced the
border program from the State Capitol
in November. That was a clear departure from Ms. Brewer, who is still
well remembered for wagging a finger at Mr. Obama on an airport tarmac.
In
an interview, Ms. Brewer said her successor should use his bully pulpit
to “tell the federal government to secure our border, then we can deal
with all the other problems
that are upon us as a country.”
He has been handing out olive branches instead.
When
Mr. Ducey met Homeland Security Secretary Jeh Johnson early last year,
he said by way of introduction, “This is a new administration, and I’d
like a fresh start.”
In June, Mr. Ducey led a trade mission to Mexico City, the first
Arizona governor to do so in a decade, then traveled to Sonora, Mexico,
three months later to attend the inauguration of his counterpart across
the border.
Immigration advocates have been cautiously watching from the sidelines, unsure what to make of him just yet.
“At
least he isn’t using the hate speech we heard so often from Governor
Brewer,” said Viridiana González, who leads a coalition of community
groups opposing Mr. Kavanagh’s
bill, after a protest of the legislation last month.
State
Representative Bruce Wheeler, a Democrat from Tucson who is assistant
minority whip, said in an interview, “I don’t know if what we’re
witnessing is a change in
substance or a change of style, but I’m willing to give him the benefit
of the doubt.”
Mr.
Ducey made no mention of illegal immigrants as he outlined his border
proposal, which he carefully framed around the heavy toll heroin
addiction has exacted in Arizona.
“This is not Arizona’s problem,” Mr. Ducey said. “This is America’s problem.”
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