New York Times (Opinion)
By Ernesto Londono
February 5, 2016
During
the 2012 presidential race, Erika Andiola, an undocumented immigrant
from Mexico, chased Mitt Romney, the Republican nominee, across the
country, challenging his
suggestion that America should become so inhospitable to people like
her that she would self-deport.
She was taunted, booed, assaulted and escorted out of campaign rallies. But she kept coming back.
“When
I was a bit younger, the passion got to me and I did a lot of things
without thinking,” Ms. Andiola said. “Little by little, we became more
strategic.”
Four
years later, she and other young Latino activists known as Dreamers are
on the front lines of presidential politics, having become campaign
strategists and volunteers
in the unexpectedly competitive Democratic race.
Ms.
Andiola, 28, was hired last year to oversee Senator Bernie Sanders’s
Latino outreach strategy. She is up against Lorella Praeli, 27, who has
the same job in the Hillary
Clinton campaign. The two gained national prominence as leaders of the
Dreamer movement, which seeks to grant legal status to undocumented
immigrants who were brought to the United States as children.
The
Clinton and Sanders campaigns are making a vigorous efforts to woo the
27 million Latinos eligible to vote in 2016. That segment of the
electorate, which has grown
by 42 percent since 2008, could well be indispensable in winning in
swing states like Nevada and Colorado.
In
2012, President Obama created a program that temporarily shields
Dreamers from deportation and allows them to work legally. Because
several Republican candidates have
vowed to undo the measure, called Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, Dreamers see the 2016 race as a pivotal moment for their
cause.
Although
Dreamers can’t vote or donate to candidates, thousands are knocking on
doors, working the phones and battling on social media to promote their
candidates. Mr.
Sanders, who had virtually no name recognition among Latinos six months
ago, has developed a strong following among young Hispanics, including
many Dreamers, who are inspired by his vision of a political revolution.
The Clinton campaign has sought the endorsement
of factions of Dreamers, arguing that she represents the best hope for
immigration reform.
“The
change you see in engagement, by youth, specifically, is something that
will have implications for years to come,” said Ben Monterroso, the
executive director of
Mi Familia Vota, a group that promotes civic participation in Latino
communities. “The fact that you have people who had to struggle to get
politicians to listen to them and now they’re part of the campaigns,
that’s what we need as a community.”
Democrats,
of course, don’t have a monopoly on the Latino vote. But in
presidential elections, Republican nominees have received a
progressively smaller percentage of
the Latino vote since George W. Bush won roughly 40 percent of it in
2004. This year, the leading Republican candidates, including two
Cuban-Americans, Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio, have done little to attract,
and much to alarm, Latino voters.
Mr.
Rubio, who was one of the leading backers of an unsuccessful effort to
pass an immigration bill in 2013 that would have allowed undocumented
immigrants to gain legal
status, has taken a harder line as a presidential candidate. His
wavering position on immigration has exposed him to criticism from the
right, including from Mr. Cruz, and protests from Latinos.
“People
are thinking: Am I going to finally step out of the shadows?” said Ms.
Praeli, a Peruvian immigrant. “Am I going to be able to wake up without
fear? These are
the critical questions for the undocumented community in this
election.”
The
first test came this week in Iowa, where Democratic campaigns made a
concerted effort to turn out Latino voters, relying heavily on Dreamer
campaign volunteers. The
local chapter of the League of United Latin American Citizens exceeded
its goal to get at least 10,000 Latinos — double the turnout in 2008 —
to the caucuses, said Joe Enriquez Henry, the president of the Iowa
chapter of the group.
“We
had many young brown faces in a room with many old white faces,” Mr.
Enriquez Henry said. “If we can do it in Iowa, it can be done anywhere
else.”
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