Bloomberg View (Opinion)
By Francis Wilkinson
January 8, 2016
Reporters are noticing an ungentle turn in Senator Marco Rubio's presidential campaign.
"Marco
Rubio, once sunny, turns dark to try matching the GOP mood," reads a
Washington Post headline this week. Bloomberg Politics said: "The
Florida senator's tone has
darkened as he chases rivals Donald Trump and Ted Cruz for his party's
nomination." Peter Beinart's Atlantic column this week is headlined:
"Rubio Turns Hard Right."
It
was widely assumed that the GOP presidential race would be fought like a
sports playoff -- with one set of candidates competing to win the
establishment conference,
and another competing to win the anti-establishment conference. The two
playoff winners would then compete for the championship -- the party's
nomination.
From
the start of the campaign, Rubio engaged in a political straddle,
maintaining two viable paths to the nomination: the power path of the
GOP corporate "establishment,"
and the angry, insurgent Tea Party path that he had traveled to reach
the Senate in 2010.
Rubio
hasn't abandoned the establishment route. A super-PAC promoting his
candidacy is attacking New Jersey Governor Chris Christie in New
Hampshire. But if the playoff
premise holds, it's a curious time to be turning right. Rubio's chief
establishment rival, Jeb Bush, is getting nowhere with the Republican
electorate. Another struggling mainstreamer, Ohio Governor John Kasich,
has done everything but renounce his party as
a nuthouse. Christie is rising in New Hampshire but has no viable path
through the thicket of Southern primaries that await -- presuming his
party's Northerners are eager to support a candidate with a record
including nine state credit downgrades and an ugly,
still unfolding scandal.
Given
such competitive advantages, why is Rubio investing in the
hyper-competitive lane where Ted Cruz and Donald Trump seem destined to
duke it out?
Perhaps Rubio has concluded that an establishment track to the nomination no longer exists.
This
view is not supported by political science, as my colleague Jonathan
Bernstein will happily inform you. But after months of owning the polls,
the populist anti-establishment
wing continues to dominate the corporate managerial wing. Nationally,
in the Real Clear Politics average of polls, Trump, Cruz and the
implausible Ben Carson are attracting 65 percent of the Republican
electorate.
If you dismiss the value of national polls, let's take a stroll through some states.
In
Iowa, support for the anti-establishment triumvirate totals more than
68 percent. Iowa's a conservative bastion, you say? Quite right.
Let's
go to New Hampshire. There, things are looking up for the
establishment. Together, the four establishment laners -- Bush,
Christie, Kasich and Rubio -- combine for
43.4 percent. The two bad boys and the odd doctor? 43.5.
In South Carolina the triumvirate is collecting 64.3 percent of the vote.
Nevada? Carson, Cruz and Trump are at 59 percent.
There hasn't been a public poll of liberal Massachusetts in a while. But in November Trump alone was at 32 percent there.
History
and reason argue against an insurgent's chances of capturing the
Republican nomination. But the Republican Party has spent most of the
past decade shedding reason.
Perhaps history is set to abandon the party in turn. Party elites are
already coming around to the idea that Cruz, perhaps the most disliked
man in the U.S. Senate, may end up as the GOP nominee. John Feehery, a
Republican lobbyist, was communications director
for House Speaker Dennis Hastert. In 2013 this party insider wrote a
blog post entitled "The Tea Party Must Be Crushed." On Jan. 7, 2016,
Feehery tweeted that he would support Trump if he wins the nomination.
Maybe
Rubio lacks the discipline to wait things out in the establishment
lane. But if he sees it as a viable path to the nomination, and the
competition in it is weaker,
it's hard to imagine why he is now veering over the line like a man on a
bender.
In
National Review, David French weighed the possibility that
establishment figures will be serially cast aside by the party until the
remaining fringe characters are,
by necessity, redefined as mainstream. "After all," he wrote, "if Rubio
falters, mass numbers of establishment politicians and donors will rush
to back Cruz over Trump. And if Cruz falters, those same people will
presumably back Trump over Hillary."
Perhaps Trump all along has been running in the only lane the GOP's got.
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