Salon (Opinion)
By Heather Digby Parton
January 22, 2016
Amid
the great cacophony of political punditry these days, something that’s
to be expected as we hurtle toward the first primary contests of the
2016 elections, Ronald
Brownstein of The National Journal has been doing some of the most
interesting analysis of the political landscape. Leaving aside all the
interesting, and I suspect important, contributions of TV celebrity,
financial incentives in the media, a long simmering
feud between the party regulars and the Tea Party insurgents and more,
Brownstein has been focusing on American demographics and how and why
they’re breaking the way the are in this race.
He’s
been interested in this for a while and wrote an important analysis of
the stakes for the GOP going forward in the wake of the Romney defeat.
In September of 2013
he wrote “Bad Bet: Why Republicans Can’t Win With Whites Alone.” In
that piece he looked at the fact that President Obama had won reelection
quite handily by getting the smallest share of white voters of any
presidential candidate in history. He wrote:
Few
decisions may carry greater consequences for the Republican Party
in 2016 than how it interprets these facts. The key question facing
the GOP is whether
Obama’s 2012 performance represents a structural Democratic
decline among whites that could deepen even further in the years
ahead — or a floor from which the next Democratic nominee is likely
to improve.
In
recent months, a chorus of conservative analysts has bet on the
first option. They insist that Republicans, by improving both
turnout and already-gaping
margins among whites, can recapture the White House in 2016 without
reformulating their agenda to attract more minority voters — most
prominently by passing immigration-reform legislation that
includes a pathway to citizenship for those
here illegally.
On
the other side is an array of Republican strategists who view
minority outreach and immigration reform as critical to
restoring the party’s competitiveness
— and consider it suicidal for the GOP to bet its future on the
prospect that it can squeeze even larger advantages out of the
diminishing pool of white voters. Karl Rove, the chief strategist for
George W. Bush’s two presidential victories,
has noted that relying entirely on whites would soon require
Republicans to regularly match the towering advantage Reagan
recorded among them when he lost only a single state in his 1984
reelection. “It’s unreasonable to expect Republicans
to routinely pull numbers that last occurred in a 49-state sweep,”
Rove said at the Aspen Ideas Festival this summer.
It
appears that the party faithful made this decision for them. As much as
the establishment may have wanted them to vote for a young Hispanic
senator or an elder statesman
married to a Mexican American in the hopes of boosting their share of
the Latino vote, they are having none of it. In fact, the front-runner
of the party for six months now is a man whose candidacy has made it
abundantly clear that many Republicans loathe
and despise foreigners and ethnic and racial minorities. They’re going
with the 1984 strategy.
As
this campaign has unfolded, Brownstein’s been looking at both parties’
coalitions to try to suss out what’s really driving the delusional
impulse among the rank and
file to circle the wagons. Looking through the crosstabs of various
polls he has found that the Trump vote is a very specific sub-set of
Republican voters: working class whites without a college education,
even those who identify as evangelicals. He wrote:
Though
Cruz led big among college-educated evangelicals in the latest
Quinnipiac Iowa survey, the poll placed Trump ahead of Cruz by 32
percent to 30 percent
among evangelicals without a college degree. The NBC/WSJ/Marist
Poll in Iowa showed Cruz still leading Trump among blue-collar
evangelicals, but with a much narrower advantage (nine
percentage points) than among their college-educated counterparts
(23 points).
Craig
Robinson, founder of The Iowa Republican website and former
political director for the state GOP, said Trump’s strength with
these working-class evangelicals
“doesn’t surprise me at all. He definitely has this appeal to the
hard-working blue-collar little guy.” As for Cruz, Robinson added,
“I don’t think he’s a lock at all” for these voters.
It’s
possible that a lot of these white conservative working class types
identify as evangelical as much for tribal reasons as religious
commitment. Studies indicate that
church attendance among this cohort has fallen rather dramatically over
the past four decades:
Monthly
church attendance by moderately educated whites – defined as those with
high school diplomas and maybe some college – has declined to 37
percent from 50 percent,
according to the study co-authored by sociologists W. Bradford Wilcox
of the University of Virginia and Andrew Cherlin of Johns Hopkins
University.Church attendance by the least educated whites – defined as
those lacking high school diplomas – fell to 23 percent
from 38 percent.
“My
assumption going into this research was that Middle America was more
religious and conservative than more educated America,” said Wilcox, in
an interview with MSNBC.
“But what is surprising about this is that, when it comes to religion
as well as marriage, we find that the college-educated are more
conventional in their lifestyle than Middle Americans.”
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