National Journal
By Ronald Brownstein
January 27, 2016
In
an election year riveted to an unprecedented extent by changes
in the nation’s demography, Americans divide almost exactly in
half on whether
immigration—and the nation’s increasing diversity—is making
life in the United States better or worse, according to the latest
Allstate/National Journal Heartland Monitor Poll.
The
in-depth survey of 1,000 Americans also found that they split
almost evenly on whether the nation offers children of all races an
adequate opportunity
to succeed. But a solid majority of respondents now rejects the
notion that children from all income groups have sufficient chances
to get ahead. And only small minorities of those polled say the
nation is doing better at providing equal
opportunity for all races, all income groups, and all
generations.
Together,
these responses capture some of the complex and even
contradictory emotions driving the turbulent debate about the
nation’s changing
identity, one that is rumbling through the presidential race. The
twin concerns about the impact of growing diversity and the waning
opportunity for children from all income groups offer more
evidence that rapid demographic change and a
sustained economic stagnation have converged, producing a
deeply volatile compound of anxiety.
Apart
from the concern about the impact of immigration and diversity on
national security, which extended broadly through society, many
of these
questions split Americans along clear and consistent lines of
race, education, age, and party preference.
The
persistence and depth of those fissures underscore the extent to
which attitudes toward the demographic transformation that is
rapidly remaking
America have become a central fault line between the political
parties. The Republican coalition is heavily dependent on the
white voters most unsettled by the change, while the Democratic
coalition relies mainly on the ethnically diverse
and urbanized groups most comfortable with the new demographic
and cultural dynamics. The one notable exception to this
pattern: African Americans, a solidly Democratic constituency,
express ambivalence if not outright unease about
the impact of immigration and demographic change.
This
latest Heartland Monitor Poll marks the 25th survey conducted in
the series, which began in April 2009. For this survey, we have
reprised some
of the most important questions asked in earlier polls, mainly from
their first two years, to document how American attitudes have
changed, or haven’t, since the depths of the Great Recession in 2008
and 2009.
The
new results found a significant decline since 2009 in the now-bare
majority of respondents who believe that all Americans have
sufficient
chances to succeed in life. In the July 2009 poll, 65 percent of
those surveyed agreed that “children from all races growing up today
have adequate opportunities to be successful.” That skidded to
just 51 percent in the new survey. The proportion
who said children from all races did not have sufficient chances to
get ahead jumped from 33 percent to 47 percent.
The
perception that all children can succeed has eroded in all racial
groups. Since 2009, it has fallen from about three-fifths to just over
half among
whites; from about three-fourths to just under three-fifths among
Hispanics; and, most dramatically, from about three-fourths to just
under half among African Americans. The verdict varies little by
generation, with members of the millennial
generation (at 53 percent) about as likely as those from the
“Silent Generation”—people born from the mid-1920s into the
‘40s—and older (at 55 percent) to say children of all races can get
ahead.
Tonya
Angelo, an African-American caterer from San Pedro, California,
who is now on disability leave, believes opportunity is still
distributed
too unevenly. “All of us [who are] considered minorities, we’ve
been living at the same level since we were born,” the 38-year-old
said. “A lot of us got education and degrees and all that and still
can’t get a good-paying job. You might have made
a mistake when you were younger … or you might not know the right
person to get into that place to make that kind of money. A lot of
minorities are hindered for that.”
One
group was conspicuously more likely to say that children from all
races can succeed: Republicans. Sixty-five percent of them said so,
compared
to about half of political independents and only about two-fifths
of Democrats. Robert Fleming, a 33-year-old former intelligence
worker in Cicero, New York, was one of those Republicans. “If you
want to work hard, don’t give up, don’t take no
for an answer, you’ll get somewhere,” he said. “The world is not a
social experiment. You make your own opportunities. If you don’t
make any, it’s not because of anybody else’s fault. It’s your fault.”
The
consensus was broader, if gloomier, when people were asked to
assess the nation’s actual progress in equalizing opportunity
for all races.
Just 33 percent of those surveyed said that the United States has
been doing better during the past decade “at providing equal
opportunity for people” of every race, down substantially from 48
percent in May 2011. Nearly as many—29 percent in
the new poll, up from 17 percent—said things have grown worse. (A
plurality of 36 percent, up from 33 percent, saw little change.)
African Americans were slightly more likely than whites or
Hispanics to see opportunity as expanding; even so,
only two-fifths of blacks saw progress.
Attitudes
have also dimmed on the question of whether the nation provides
adequate opportunities “for children from all income groups” to
succeed.
In the new poll, just 40 percent said yes, down from 48 percent in
July 2009, while fully 59 percent (up from 50 percent) said no. The
belief that children from all families don’t get an equal shot at
success has grown widely, the new survey found.
Only about two-fifths of whites and African Americans said children
from all income groups had sufficient chance to succeed;
Hispanics were only slightly more likely (at 45 percent) to see
positive trends. Likewise, no more than about two-fifths
of millennials, Generation X-ers, and baby boomers saw
sufficient opportunity across class lines; only respondents from
the Silent Generation and older were slightly more optimistic (at
50 percent).
In
a measure of Americans’ continuing belief in individual
initiative, respondents in households with incomes below $50,000
were actually
likelier than those from wealthier households to believe that
children from all classes had sufficient opportunity to succeed.
Likewise, whites without a college degree were more likely to see
sufficient opportunity than those with advanced
education. But majorities of both upper- and lower-income
respondents, and of whites with and without a college degree,
doubted that children of every class got enough of a chance to get
ahead.
Karen
Smith, an education professor in Farmington, Maine, is among
those who believe the evidence is now indisputable that
opportunities aren’t
equal across racial and class lines. “Students that are in the lower
echelon do not even come close to reaping the benefits and the
opportunities that are available to the ones who are in the
upper-income brackets,” she said. “There’s a huge
gap and a divide. That’s not even my opinion. I’m basing that on
fact, on data, on evidence.”
Asked
to assess the nation’s actual progress in extending
opportunity across class lines, just 21 percent of the poll’s
respondents said the United
States has been doing better at providing equal opportunity
across all income groups during the past 10 years. Nearly twice as
many—40 percent—said the country is doing worse, while 36 percent
saw no change. The verdict was comparably cloudy
on the nation’s progress at equalizing opportunity across all
generations: 27 percent saw improvement, 33 percent said the
situation is getting worse, and 36 percent saw no change.
Millennials were the likeliest respondents to see progress,
though only 36 percent of them did.
The
sense, broadly shared, that the opportunity for success is
constricting provides an important backdrop to the divided and
conflicted responses
about the impact of immigration and the acceleration in
demographic diversity. Already, Americans of color, nearly 40
percent of the nation’s population, comprise a majority of
children younger than five, and of all students in public
schools nationwide. Before 2020, they are expected to become a
majority of Americans younger than 18. This year, for the first
time, minorities could account for 30 percent of the national
electorate.
After
noting the “large-scale immigration” of recent years and the fact
that “racial and ethnic minorities now comprise more than one-third
of the
American population,” the pollsters asked respondents about the
effects on specific aspects of national life and on the country
overall.
The
answers leaned toward the positive, on two measures. Fifty
percent of those polled said immigration and growing diversity
have had a positive
effect on American culture, while only 36 percent said the impact
has been negative. Similarly, 47 percent said immigration and
diversity have improved their local community, while only 29
percent said the opposite. But the reaction
was darker when questions turned to the economy—47 percent of
adults saw the impact of immigration and diversity as mostly
negative, versus 36 percent who saw it as mostly positive. In a
measure of how fears of terrorism are roiling the immigration
debate, a more decisive 55 percent said immigration and
diversity have adversely affected national security; just 25
percent saw a positive effect.
The
bottom line was a virtually even split in opinion: 43 percent of
respondents said immigration and growing diversity have had a
positive impact
“on the nation overall,” while 44 percent said the impact has been
mostly negative.
The
concerns about national security crossed almost all demographic
categories (although partisan Democrats, millennials, and
Hispanics
were less likely than others to express anxiety). The other
questions, however, showed patterns of divergence that are
consistent with the alignments that now define American politics.
Core
constituencies in the modern Democratic coalition viewed these
changes in mostly positive terms: 61 percent of millennials, 57
percent
of Hispanics, and 53 percent of college-educated white women, the
survey found, said immigration and diversity have mostly
benefited the country.
Kerie
Amsden, a 38-year-old white woman in Hunter, Missouri, who is
studying for a college degree in administration, believes that
immigration
and diversity are strengthening America. “Legal immigration is
what our country stands on—it makes us more diverse, it allows us the
ability to learn about other people,” she said. “I tell my kids all
the time that I feel like their generation
is the one that is going to make a difference in the world, because
they don’t see a difference in one person or the other because of
the color of their skin or whether they’re from Mexico, Saudi
Arabia, or from Germany or anywhere else in
the world. They learn about that person and they realize we have
things in common, we enjoy the same things, we have the same goals, we
have the same values. And they don’t judge them. They judge them by
who they are, but not where they’re from or the
color of their skin.”
In
stark contrast, the belief that immigration benefits the
country overall was echoed by just 33 percent of white men—and 35
percent of white women—without
a college degree and by 33 percent of whites over 50; these are all
groups that now solidly lean Republican and make up a big share of
the party’s voters in primary elections.
Mike
Bennett, a 50-year-old construction worker in South San Francisco,
is a Republican who is passionate about immigration. He sees it
as an
unalloyed threat to the nation’s security—“I think they should
close the borders … especially with people coming from Syria and
Russia”—and also to U.S. prosperity. “It’s taken away our jobs,” he
said. “We don’t need to take people from Mexico
and bring them here just to farm. That takes away from our tax
dollars, honestly.”
In
all, 61 percent of Democrats said the impact of immigration and
diversity on the nation overall has mostly been positive. Among
Republicans,
69 percent found the impact mostly negative. College-educated
white men (at 43 percent positive, 45 percent negative) and
political independents (42 percent positive, 45 percent
negative) teetered between those two views.
The
big anomaly: African Americans expressed much more concern about
immigration and diversity than did other elements of the
Democratic coalition.
Other polls in recent years have found African Americans’ anxiety
over immigration on the decline, but the Heartland Monitor
survey detected a clear note of concern. While a strong majority
of blacks said immigration has benefited their
community, slightly less than half saw advantages for American
culture. More African Americans saw negative (46 percent) than
positive (38 percent) impacts on the economy, and they split
almost evenly (43 percent positive versus 41 percent
negative) on what it has meant for the nation overall.
Behind
those broad conclusions often lies an ambivalence. Jamie
Williams is an African American in the Bronx who was recently laid
off from his
job in a warehouse. “I think that everybody deserves an
opportunity to better their life and to provide for their family,”
he said. “If there are people out there who are willing to work longer
hours and for less pay, if they’re willing to do that,
God bless them. The last time I checked, I’ve never seen a broke
Mexican. [But] I think it has a negative impact on the economy
because they’re willing to accept lower pay for something that they
should be getting minimum wage for.”
The
poll and the follow-on interviews also make clear how much the
anxieties about the economy and about the nation’s evolving
demographics have become
intertwined. Respondents who believe that today’s young people
will have more opportunity than adults do now are mostly positive
about immigration and the nation’s growing diversity: 58 percent
of them say this mostly benefits the country.
Even a plurality (48 percent) of those who believe the next
generation’s opportunities will remain unchanged are positive
about the demographic changes. But those who think today’s young
people will have fewer opportunities are deeply
pessimistic about immigration and diversity—63 percent of them
said the effects are mostly bad.
All
of which suggests that the national worries over economic
opportunity and demographic change have combined, creating a
mixture even more
combustible—for the nation’s society, economy, and politics—than
either alone.
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