New York Times
By Jeremy Peters
February 5, 2015
You could see the mischievous delight in John A. Boehner’s face as soon as he heard the question Thursday.
Did
he, the speaker of the House, have any idea how his Republican
counterpart in the Senate was going to corral enough Republicans to
support a plan that keeps the Department of Homeland
Security funded?
“No,”
Mr. Boehner said, shrugging his shoulders. Then, he grinned as he
contemplated the task that faced Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky,
the majority leader. “He’s got a tough job
over there. I’ve got a tough job over here. God bless him and good
luck.”
Now
that they control both houses of Congress, Republicans are beginning to
learn the limits of their newfound power. For the third day in a row,
Senate Republicans called a vote on a
bill to keep the Department of Homeland Security funded. And for the
third time, it failed to clear a Democratic filibuster.
The
problems were old and new: political divisions within the party,
difficulties over managing the expectations of conservative lawmakers,
and the simple arithmetic of getting to the
filibuster-proof threshold of 60 votes when there are only 54
Republican senators. The tactics that had served them well when they
were in the minority were now being effectively exploited against them.
Democrats were gleeful as, one by one, they flashed thumbs down to the Senate clerks and recorded their no votes.
“The
Republicans are like Fido when he finally catches the car,” said
Senator Charles E. Schumer, Democrat of New York. “Now they don’t have
any clue about what to do. They are realizing
that being in the majority is both less fun and more difficult than
they thought.”
Republicans were certainly exasperated — though not to the point of wishing they were still in the minority.
But
they were discovering that many of the perks of privilege they now
enjoy — control of the Senate floor, chairmanships on the standing
committees, more spacious quarters for their caucus
meetings — are empty unless they can agree among themselves on how to
move their agenda forward. They promised voters positive movement when
they crushed Democrats in the midterm elections. So far, inertia has
prevailed.
They
were also coming to another realization about the pitfalls of their
power, and it was the same reckoning that Democrats had when they
decided to block the Homeland Security bill:
Republicans, as the party that controls Congress, would be blamed as
the department closed in on the Feb. 27 deadline when it will run out of
money.
“I’m
hoping public opinion starts to recognize that it’s not Republicans who
are objecting or obstructing,” said Senator Ron Johnson, Republican of
Wisconsin and chairman of the Homeland
Security and Governmental Affairs Committee.
“Time out,” Mr. Johnson added. “We wouldn’t even be discussing this if President Obama hadn’t done what he did.”
What
the president did — declaring through his powers as the chief executive
to make up to five million undocumented immigrants eligible for new
legal protections and rights, including
work permits — has left Republicans divided over how to fight back.
The
party has struggled to come up with an alternative to the current
Homeland Security bill, which includes provisions approved by the House
that would rescind those new legal protections
and subject many people here illegally, including children, to
deportation.
Even
some Republicans have acknowledged that this legislation will never
pass the Senate because members in both parties believe it is too harsh.
Some, like Senator Susan Collins of Maine,
have tried to come up with a more palatable alternative; so far, Ms.
Collins has yet to see a vote on her approach.
But
conservative lawmakers and the powerful class of right-leaning news
media commentators that can heavily influence public opinion expect
Republicans to push Mr. Obama harder — even
if he is certain to veto legislation that tries to undermine his
immigration policies.
Some
Republicans acknowledge that the immigration aspects of the Homeland
Security bill will have to be stripped out. The question they cannot
resolve is how to get conservative lawmakers
to realize that. Some have suggested that the repeated Senate votes
that all end the same way, in defeat, will help drive that point home.
Part
of the problem that some Senate Republicans find so frustrating is that
their colleagues in the House do not always seem to appreciate that a
majority in the Senate does not mean
that the party controls every outcome.
In fact, many Senate Republicans are learning that lesson.
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