New York Times
By Ashley Parker
June 11, 2014
The
lesson that immigration advocates say they gleaned from Tuesday’s
election results is, simply put, that hedging on such an intensely
charged issue can be politically
fatal.
Two
very different primaries — one statewide in South Carolina, and one in a
gerrymandered Virginia House district that includes parts of Richmond —
made that clear.
In
South Carolina, Senator Lindsey Graham — one of the Republican
architects of the bipartisan Senate immigration bill, who openly
discussed his support for a path to
citizenship for illegal immigrants on the campaign trail — easily
fended off six primary challengers to win his party’s nomination. But in
Virginia, Representative Eric Cantor, the No. 2 House Republican, lost
in a stunning primary upset to a little-known
Tea Party challenger after showing some lukewarm support for several
more narrow immigration compromises before frantically backpedaling from
the issue.
“You’ve
got to take a firm stance one way or the other,” Mr. Graham said in an
interview Wednesday. “The worst thing you can do on an issue like this
is to be hard to
figure out. And I am not hard to figure out on immigration.”
Frank
Sharry, the executive director of American’s Voice, a pro-immigration
group, echoed Mr. Graham, saying that when it comes to immigration, “You
are either for it
100 percent, or you’re against it.”
“Cantor
was trying to carve out a middle ground, but there really isn’t one to
be found, and he ended up speaking out of both sides of his mouth,” Mr.
Sharry said. “In
contrast, Graham carved out a strong position in favor of reform,
planted a flag and lived to tell about it.”
Although
immigration was not the sole factor in Mr. Cantor’s defeat, he was no
doubt hobbled by his openness to at least some pro-immigration measures —
such as permitting
young illegal immigrants brought to the country as children to be given a pathway to legal status and allowing more work visas for high-tech workers. He was also part of the Republican leadership team that helped
draft a set of immigration principles that
included a lengthy path to legal status for some illegal immigrants.
Mr.
Cantor’s opponent, David Brat, criticized Mr. Cantor’s “softness”
toward undocumented immigrants — a message that was amplified by
powerful conservative voices such
as Laura Ingraham and Mark Levin, both talk radio hosts. In a
Quinnipiac University poll conducted in March in Virginia, a plurality
of voters and a majority of Republicans in the state said they would not
vote for a Senate candidate who supported a pathway
to citizenship. Mr. Cantor’s district is more conservative than the
state as a whole.
By
the final weeks of his campaign, Mr. Cantor had begun distancing
himself from his previous positions, blanketing his district with
mailers noting his opposition to
“amnesty” for “illegal aliens.” In Mr. Sharry’s words, “his political
crime was being a hypocrite.”
Both
Democrats and Republicans say that Mr. Cantor was likely hurt by
seeming to flip-flop on the issue. In the eyes of the most conservative
voters, they said, his support
for even some immigration measures was disqualifying, but for others
his backpedaling added to the perception that he was inauthentic.
“When
you believe in something and try to persuade people you’re right, even
if they’re not initially for you, they respect you for that, rather than
if you try to have
it both ways,” said Senator Charles E. Schumer of New York, who helped
write the Senate immigration bill. “Graham and Cantor are a classic
contrast.”
Mr.
Graham, meanwhile, has been talking openly about an immigration
overhaul since 2006, and repeatedly talked about the nation’s broken
immigration system — and his plan
to fix it — during his Senate campaign. (He had also stressed other key
conservative issues, especially on foreign policy and national
security, and became an outspoken critic of the administration’s
handling of Benghazi.)
“Immigration
did not hurt me,” Mr. Graham said. “I got credit for taking this on. I
was all in, and I’m going to fight to solve this problem.”
Leaders
on both sides of the immigration debate are already bringing their own
interpretations to Tuesday night’s results. Some see them as impending
death for the immigration
legislation in the Republican-controlled House, where rank-and-file
members were already skittish about taking on such a divisive issue in
an election year.
In
an interview with Ms. Ingraham on her radio program on Wednesday, Mr.
Brat called an immigration overhaul dead on arrival. “This is just the
first little wave,” he
said.
White
House officials — who are likely to come under increased pressure from
advocates to act on immigration without the support of Congress — said
it was premature to
say how Mr. Cantor’s defeat would affect the administration’s strategy
for overhauling immigration laws. For now, a senior official said, the
White House would stick to its plan to press lawmakers to act on
legislation in June and July, and then take stock
during the August congressional recess, before deciding whether to
proceed with unilateral executive actions. The potential actions range
from modest efforts, like giving immigration agents more leeway to
decide who can be spared from deportation, to far broader
changes, like protecting large numbers of illegal immigrants from
deportation, including the parents of children who are American
citizens.
Despite
the dim prospects for immigration in the House, advocates pressed on
with protests on Capitol Hill on Wednesday demanding legislation to stop
deportations. The
police arrested 17 chanting protesters, including four children and
Arturo Rodriguez, president of the United Farm Workers, who held a
sit-in outside the offices of House Speaker John A. Boehner.
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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