Washington Post
By Dylan Matthews
June 8, 2013
Mario
Diaz-Balart has represented southern Florida in the U.S. House of
Representatives since 2003. He has been a leader in the House Gang of
Eight, which is working in parallel with the Senate Gang of Eight to
develop a bipartisan compromise on comprehensive immigration reform.
We
spoke on the phone Thursday afternoon about the future of the House
Gang and of immigration reform generally. A lightly edited transcript
follows.
Rep. Raul Labrador (R-Idaho) left the Gang of Eight over disagreements on health care. How would you like to see that resolved?
I’d
like to go to what we had agreed to originally, which is that the folks
that did this have to have private insurance. But the method is less
important to me than the pretty clear expectation from the American
people that these folks, the formerly undocumented people, are not a
public charge, to local hospitals or local government. The best way to
do that is what we agreed to, in a bipartisan way, before. We’ll have to
see where we move forward.
Looking at the Senate process, are you happy with how that’s gone?
Remember
the Senate and House bill are not the same, and there are distinct
differences. I will not criticize the Senate bill, or my colleagues in
the Senate, who I think have done a spectacular job. But the House bill
is different. The House bill, I think people will recognize, is quite a
bit different in many aspects.
So
your question is a valid, good question, but we’re dealing with
different bills, so it’s not comparable in many ways. Some of the
objections to the Senate bill, we have resolved. By the way, there were
corrections in my bill that the Senate doesn’t have. But I can’t go into
details of the House bill yet. We’re trying to firm up the details, to
see if we have an agreement before everyone jumps on it.
Better to be jumped on together than separately.
[Laughs] Exactly.
House
Judiciary Committee Chair Bob Goodlatte (R-Va.) has suggested he’d
prefer smaller bills on specific topics, rather than one big
comprehensive bill.
I’m
an optimist, but I think it’s been a positive thing, because what I’ve
been hearing is a desire to fix what is an absolutely broken immigration
system. I have been less concerned about the strategy of whether you
split them up, whether you keep them whole or separate them. That to me
is less of a concern than the realization that the immigration system is
broken, and that there’s a willingness to try to fix it.
I
have nothing but praise for the effort of Chairman Goodlatte. I may
disagree on specific parts of the bills, but I think it’s very important
that he’s been very methodically trying to educate people on the
system, and it’s clear, to my eyes, that he wants to move forward on
immigration reform. He looks forward to putting together a bipartisan
immigration bill. I think we’ll get a fair hearing from Chairman
Goodlatte. That’s all one can ask.
Generally, what’s the mood in your caucus on a path to citizenship? I imagine that might be a tough sell with some members.
Dylan,
look, there’s clearly a realization by 95 percent of the caucus that
the immigration system, as it currently stands, is unsustainable. It
doesn’t satisfy our national security needs, it’s hurting our economy,
and the fact that we have people here is the reality, and we have to
deal with that reality. The vast majority of the Republican caucus has
reached that realization.
There’s
a very small number of folks who don’t want to do anything at this
stage, right now, but it’s a very small group of people. Our challenge
is to demonstrate to Congress, both parties, that we have a proposal
that will do a few things. That’s what Republicans and, quite frankly,
the people are demanding. They’re demanding that any legislation helps
the economy. They’re demanding we don’t make the same mistakes of the
1986 legislation, where 15-20 years down the road, we have another 10
million folks undocumented, who come here unlawfully or overstay their
visa. We have to show them this is unlike the ’86 bill, that it’s
enforceable, that we can show it’s enforced and enforceable.
Number
three is that we have to demonstrate that the millions of people here
are not going to be a public charge. The American people are exceedingly
generous, and they want to give the opportunity to earn legalization,
but let’s make sure they’re not a public charge. Those are the basic
elements that we have to demonstrate to our conference. That it’s real,
enforceable border security and enforcement, that it’s going to help our
economy, that it’s going to determine who’s going in and out, and that
it’s not going to be a public charge.
The
American people are willing, and the vast majority of the Republican
conference are willing, to allow the folks who are here and undocumented
to earn their way toward legalization, and toward becoming part of the
American fabric. It’s up to us who are developing legislation to
demonstrate basic elements that have to be part of any immigration
reform legislation.
Again,
I’ve been exceedingly well received. There are legitimate policy
questions and considerations that I’m hoping, in our bill, we’ll be able
to answer and satisfy. It’s important to note there are legitimate
policy considerations here. It’s very complicated. If it were simple,
Democrats would have done it when they controlled everything. If it were
easy, Bush would have done it. There are serious, serious policy
considerations, and the fact that people may have differences does not
mean they’re evil, or that they do not like certain people, but that
there are serious policy considerations that have to be resolved.
It’s
important to have a bipartisan House bill. I keep saying that it’s
important to have Democrats, too. It’s not my choice. I wish the
Republicans controlled the White House and the Senate as well as the
House. But Democrats control the Senate and White House. It’s not rocket
science. It’s going to require bipartisan support.
The
House voted this week to overturn Obama’s deferral of deportation for young undocumented immigrants who’d be eligible for citizenship under
the DREAM Act. Does that worry you in terms of the chances for your
bill?
I
think it’s a separate issue. There is skepticism over whether the
president is overreaching his authority. The federal government is
overreaching, and I think that’s exemplified by the tapping of
journalists’ phones en masse, or going after journalists as a “flight
risk,” or the IRS targeting folks for their beliefs. The IRS thing,
that’s something you expect to read in The Post or Wall Street Journal
or ABC News as happening in Venezuela, but not the U.S.
There
is, frankly, grave concern about the federal government being out of
control. So I think that’s a big part of that. I may be misreading that,
but I feel a lot of concern in the House and the country that the
government is, frankly, now dangerously out of control. So that’s my
read on that, but I may be totally wrong. There is, I think, great and
grave concern over whether the federal government, now, is as aggressive
or more aggressive than during the Nixon administration, when the IRS
is targeting people for their beliefs, and whenever you hear a new fact
coming out about it, it doesn’t mesh with what the administration says.
So I think there’s a lot of concern about that overreaching. That’s what I’m feeling. Which is, frankly, legitimate.
If
there’s that feeling, that the federal government is out of control,
doesn’t that translate into concern that it can’t be trusted with
something as big as an immigration overhaul?
Yes,
but I think, to be perfectly honest, that concern is maybe aggravated
and highlighted recently, but remember after the 1986 legalization, it
wasn’t Obama that failed to enforce, it was Republicans and Democrats,
both administrations. There’s skepticism of whether the federal
government will enforce, period, and rightly so. We’ve seen this movie
before, which is why I think you’ll find, if we file a House bill, it
has to be enforceable, and verifiably so. Which is, again, some of the
major differences you’ll eventually be able to see with the House
proposal that we’ve been working on.
I
know you don’t want to get too into details, but it seems like
border-control targets that have to be attained to trigger legalization
would play a role there.
That’s
crucial. Absolutely crucial. We had to make a decision: “Are we serious
about enforcing the laws, or are we not?” If we’re serious, then they
must be enforced. We have ways to make sure that they are. That’s going
to be one of the differences you’re going to see with the Senate bill:
more enforceable mechanisms.
What
is your thinking on guest workers? That was a major sticking point in
2006 and 2007, and it seems like there’s a big divide in thinking on
that topic between folks who think it’s second-class citizenship and
folks who think it’s crucial.
There’s
a divide about that issue, and among Democrats. Here’s where I’m at on
that issue. If we’re going to have a system where you can protect the
borders, and not have continuous illegal immigration, you need legal
immigration that works. You need border, and interior, security, but
also legal immigration that works, because you have a magnet, which is
economy, jobs. You need the three components, including a legal
immigration system that works.
The
arrangement between the AFL-CIO and the Chamber of Commerce on guest
workers is just not workable. It will not fulfill our economic needs, it
will hurt our economy, and make it very difficult to stop illegal
immigration. That’s my point of view on that. What happened there, and
I’m not critical, is that you have two special interests getting
together and determining what’s right, but the special interest I want
to protect is the rule of law, having the strongest economy, and
preventing future illegal immigration.
But
this deal they cut has created a difficult political situation. For
construction workers, in the entire country, there’s a limit of 12,000
that can never go up. This year, not a problem. But when the economy
picks up, Miami will fulfill that entire quota. Then what happens? By
the way, if it doesn’t, I’m happy, but if you look at history, if you
look a few years back, it’s pretty evident that those numbers don’t
work.
Unlike,
for example, the agriculture issue, where those two groups [United Farm
Workers and growing companies -- Dylan] got together, and I’m not crazy
about that deal, but there’s some reasonable expectation that it could
work. This deal, it’s not feasible, unfortunately. I wish it were, but
it isn’t, and I don’t think anybody could think, in a boom, 12,000
construction workers in the country is going to fulfill our labor needs
And,
remember, we have an aging population, except for immigrants. So the
math doesn’t really work, and that’s my fear. My interest is to help the
economy, protect rule of law, and make sure that we stop future illegal
immigration. And guest workers are an essential part of that. You can’t
do any of those things without having a system that works for legal
immigration.
I’m
not critical about the groups, I’m grateful, I’m glad they did it, and I
wish we remembered that these are special interest groups, protecting
their interests, as they should, but I’m a little frustrated that we
can’t veer off of what special interests have come up with. It’s great
they did so, and we should look at this, but they’re special interest
groups. My interest is the rule of law, the economy, and stopping
illegal immigration.
It seems like there’s been a lot of pushback on the H1B provisions of the Senate bill. What’s your thinking on that?
There’s
pushback on everything. Really, on everything. On every single aspect
of it, there’s pushback. This is the most controversial issue you could
ever get involved in. There’s going to be pushback on everything, and
that’s okay. I think what we have to do is try to come up with
legislation based on basic principles, like protect the rule of law,
help the economy, and our national security, and within that you have to
have the components I told you about. And then see if you can put
together a bill like that, that can receive bipartisan support.
We’ll
see if it’s possible. We’ll know soon enough and it was clearly
possible two months ago. The pressure’s from outside, particularly from
Nancy Pelosi, who’s jeopardizing everything, but I’m very optimistic.
Cautiously optimistic, but optimistic.
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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