- Eli Kantor
- Beverly Hills, California, United States
- Eli Kantor is a labor, employment and immigration law attorney. He has been practicing labor, employment and immigration law for more than 36 years. He has been featured in articles about labor, employment and immigration law in the L.A. Times, Business Week.com and Daily Variety. He is a regular columnist for the Daily Journal. Telephone (310)274-8216; email@example.com. For more information, visit beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com and and beverlyhillsemploymentlaw.com
Thursday, May 26, 2016
Los Angeles Times
By Cathleen Decker
May 25, 2016
As the primary season whirls to an end, Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders are two planets occupying orbits that only occasionally cross.
Both presidential candidates have coursed across California in recent days, pleading with voters to give them the victory each needs in the June 7 Democratic primary. Both warned of challenges ahead that are fraught with danger.
But they are different challenges.
Clinton is aiming at presumptive Republican nominee Donald Trump and the threat she says he would pose to the nation. She has honed her pitch to emphasize what she says are his failings as a candidate and would-be president. She is running on her merit, to be sure, but also as the only alternative to Trump winning the White House.
Sanders is focused on the nearly impossible task of overtaking Clinton between now and the summer convention. If he is not yet crafting an elegy for his presidential hopes, he increasingly is describing his goals as the tenets of a movement that could outlive his candidacy. He scaldingly targets both Republicans and Democrats as consumed by corruption.
“I think it’s important that people look and compare,” Clinton said Tuesday, speaking from a stage in a UC Riverside gymnasium. “Because we’re going to take on Donald Trump. He can go ahead and engage in insulting and scapegoating and demeaning and bullying people, but I think the American voter is a lot smarter than to fall for that, don’t you?”
A few miles away and a few hours earlier at the Riverside Municipal Auditorium, Sanders closed his speech with an emphatic cry for persistence among his avid followers.
“My point is: What seems impossible today, 20 years from now people will say ‘Oh, no big deal,’” he said after a long explication on the social struggles in America’s past. “What the system always tried to make us feel is that real change is impossible.”
“Bottom line,” he said a moment later, “is if we have the vision and if we have the courage, we can transform this country and make it into the country that all of us know it can be.”
And as the challenges they confront differ, so, too, the two candidates need a California victory for different reasons.
Clinton needs only a handful of additional delegates to clinch the nomination, but big wins on the last major day of the campaign would hasten the party unification she will need if she is to defeat Trump in November.
A Sanders win on June 7 would revive at least in part his long-shot argument that party super-delegates should flip to him to increase the odds of a Democratic victory over Trump. More realistically, a solid victory would strengthen his hand in debates over the Democrats' future.
For both, the divergent paths at the end of the primary season echo a campaign in which they have presented themselves all along in very different ways, based on their strengths and their needs.
Clinton is the establishment candidate in a non-establishment year, the policy nerd in a campaign that so far has favored bombast.
But if her toughness is not questioned by voters, her humanity and trustworthiness has been. And that has driven her to spend much of the campaign in coffee shops and bakeries and other cozy settings where she can more intimately demonstrate both knowledge and compassion.
Sanders has struggled to win over minorities and other key Democratic groups but, even so, has captured young and liberal Americans. His provocative call to political revolution has drawn giant crowds, which he has used to stoke further momentum, like a wildfire creating its own weather system.
Those differences mask abundant similarities when it comes to their positions and the issues they emphasize.
In their back-to-back speeches Tuesday, both candidates pledged to overturn the Supreme Court decision that allowed almost unfettered fundraising from interest groups and promised to push for immigration reform that includes citizenship for those in the country illegally.
Both said they would work to reverse pay inequity for women, fund more addiction treatment centers, protect abortion rights and increase spending on roads, water systems and other basic government functions.
On other topics they have differences in approach but not goals: expanding healthcare coverage, raising the minimum wage and pursuing policies to limit climate change.
Sanders’ events have had a curiously split personality in recent days. The candidate has curbed his criticism of Clinton, going through his litany of policy proposals without the lancing critiques of her he prominently featured in states whose contests occurred earlier in the primary season. But his supporters retain a confident enthusiasm that he will defy electoral math to become the nominee.
Before his Riverside event, starting hours before his arrival, the crowd that reached into the thousands spiraled for blocks adjacent to the 1929 auditorium. Inside, they chanted: “What does democracy look like? This is what democracy looks like,” and “Feel the Bern,” among other slogans, as upbeat music blared from the speakers.
Deafening applause greeted Sanders' arrival and broke out in regular spurts. His speech included a fusillade at bipartisan targets.
The political establishment and another favorite target—the “corporate media”—aren’t asking the right questions, he said, and then commenced asking them.
“How does it happen that in America for the last 35 years, the middle class has been shrinking, shrinking and shrinking?” he asked, defining a period that covered the tenures of both the last two Democratic presidents, Bill Clinton and Barack Obama.
“How does it happen in America today we have 47 million people living in poverty, we have the highest rate of childhood poverty of almost any other major country on Earth? And yet at the same time we are seeing a proliferation of millionaires and billionaires?”
The answers, he said, lay in a bipartisan acquiescence to moneyed special interests.
“What is going on in Washington and state legislatures is that elected officials are beholden to the billionaire class,” he said. “They couldn’t care less about what happens to working people, or poor people or the elderly or children or the sick. That’s not their interest. Their interest is hustling for campaign contributions from the wealthy and doing the bidding of the wealthy.”
Sanders, an independent, has spent his political life untethered to a party, and Clinton her entire adult life inside the Democratic structure, so her argument has a far more partisan cast.
She credited Democratic presidents Clinton and Obama—both of whom, she noted wryly, she knows well—for boosting the economy. Trump’s policies would push the nation into another economic downturn, she said.
“When I think about the ‘90s, I think about…new jobs and incomes that went up for everybody, not just people at the top, and that’s important because that’s what we need again, don’t we?” she said. “We need more good jobs with rising incomes.”
Trump lacked an understanding of Americans’ economic struggles, she said, and would represent a threat to the country and its allies as commander-in-chief.
“We’ve got to produce positive results, but we’ve also got to protect America,” she said, and then raised the specter of the terror visited upon a nearby city last year.
“We’re not that far from San Bernardino, are we? We’ve got to protect the American people, and we have to continue to lead the world with strength and steadiness…and when you think of what Trump has done just in the last few weeks, it should give anybody pause.”
Both lavished praise on the state that may deliver a final judgment on June 7.
“I hope very much that this incredibly beautiful and progressive state, our largest state, tells the entire world--and the world will be watching—that California believes in the political revolution,” Sanders said Tuesday.
And on the importance of a victory here, at least, Clinton's orbit crossed with his.
“I need your help in this upcoming primary because we want to finish strong and we want to send that message that we’re going to fight every day,” she said. “I will fight for you, I will fight for us, every single day.”
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
Wall Street Journal
By Beth Reinhard
May 25, 2016
Donald Trump’s criticism of the nation’s first Latina governor threatens to further damage his image in the Hispanic community as he turns toward a general election where those voters will be pivotal.
At a rally in Albuquerque on Tuesday night, the presumptive GOP presidential nominee pointed to a rise in food stamp recipients under New Mexico Gov. Susana Martinez, who heads the Republican Governors Association. “She’s gotta do a better job,” he said.
On Wednesday in Southern California, Mr. Trump invoked the name of a San Francisco woman killed last year by an illegal immigrant. “Build that wall! Build that wall! Build that wall!’’ the crowd chanted.
Mr. Trump’s appearances in two of the three states with the largest Hispanic electorates follow a few initial overtures to Hispanic voters in recent weeks that have drawn mixed results. The Pew Hispanic Center estimates a record 27.3 million Latinos will be eligible to vote in 2016 and would make up about 12% of the electorate, up from 10% in 2012.
Mr. Trump’s campaign didn’t respond to questions about whether he planned to hire campaign staffers focused on Hispanic outreach to improve his large deficit with that group in polls.
“I’ve never liked the pandering game, but I’ve never seen someone do it so antagonistically,” said Republican state Rep. Rod Montoya of Farmington, who plans to vote in New Mexico’s June 7 primary for Texas Sen. Ted Cruz even though he has dropped out of the race. Mr. Trump, he added, “is not helping his cause.”
At both rallies this week, Mr. Trump said his appeal is growing as Hispanic voters learn about plans to create jobs and prosperity. “We’re going to win with Hispanics,” Mr. Trump told the ethnically diverse crowd of thousands at the Albuquerque Convention Center. “They don’t want their homes taken away and they don’t want their jobs taken away.”
But some Hispanic leaders say Mr. Trump first must apologize for branding Mexican immigrants as criminals in his campaign announcement and making other inflammatory remarks before they would be open to hearing his campaign agenda.
Mrs. Martinez didn’t attend the rally. Her spokesman, Mike Lonergan, said Wednesday “the governor will not be bullied” into backing him. The governor “cares about what (Mr. Trump) says he will do to help New Mexicans. She’s disappointed that she didn’t hear anything about that last night,” he said in a statement.
On the Mexican holiday of Cinco de Mayo earlier this month, Mr. Trump posted on Twitter a picture of him eating a taco bowl and wrote, “I love Hispanics.” This past weekend, he sent a video to a gathering of the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference in which he said, “National…Hispanic…Christian…. three great words!”
These gestures “did not help, whatsoever,” said the Rev. Samuel Rodriguez, president of the nation’s largest Hispanic Christian group, which is nonpartisan. “If Donald Trump wants to redeem himself with Hispanic voters, he has to engage in a mea culpa for the demagoguery and hyperbole.”
Darrell Scott, a Cleveland pastor serving as chief executive officer of the National Diversity Coalition for Trump, a multiethnic and multiracial group, defended Mr. Trump’s unscripted approach in the video. “He’s not pandering. It’s genuine,” he said. “He is authentic, and that’s what resonates with the American people.’’
Mr. Trump has flagged illegal immigration as a pressing problem and said he would deport millions of undocumented workers and force Mexico to pay for a wall along the border.
“He’s not anti-immigrant. He’s anti-illegal immigrant,” said Dahlys Hamilton, who started an Atlanta-based group called Hispanic Patriots for Trump. “People don’t know that because they are too busy spinning rhetoric that he’s a racist.”
She also belongs to the National Diversity Coalition for Trump, which is organizing gatherings for the presumptive GOP nominee. The group doesn’t include any of the major Hispanic surrogates for Republican nominees Mitt Romney and John McCain or former President George W. Bush.
“Hillary Clinton is a seasoned politician, and it will probably be a good idea for Trump to look to who would be respected in the Hispanic community to lean on,” said Debe Campos-Fleenor, a Mexican-American insurance agent in Tucson, Ariz., who belongs to the pro-Trump coalition.
Mrs. Clinton has about a half dozen staff members devoted to Hispanic outreach and media and is backed by a grass-roots group called Latinos for Hillary that launched in October. She also has a team of high-profile Hispanic surrogates, including members of Congress and cabinet secretaries, who are regularly booked on Spanish-language media.
Mrs. Clinton’s efforts to make inroads with Hispanic voters began months ago. She has stumped on behalf of President Barack Obama’s executive orders protecting some illegal immigrants from deportation. The campaign has organized “Latina-to-Latina” phone banks, “Mujeres in Politics” meetings for women, Hispanic debate watch parties and other events in Texas, Arizona, Colorado and Florida.
State Rep. Alonzo Baldonado, who represents a district south of Albuquerque, said he would support Mr. Trump “because I’m a Republican and I am going to support the nominee.” He added that he agrees with Mr. Trump’s emphasis on national security.
“I have Hispanic constituents who are solid Donald Trump supporters, and I have those who are telling me they could never support him,” he added. “I’ve also had people tell me not to endorse Trump because I will lose support for my own campaign.”
So far, Hispanic voters have a very negative view of Mr. Trump, a Wall Street Journal/NBC News survey conducted this month shows. Some 68% would back Mrs. Clinton and 20% would back Mr. Trump if the two faced off in the general election, the survey found. Mrs. Clinton’s 48-point advantage among Hispanics is far larger than her 3-point lead among voters overall in the survey.
The share of Hispanic voters who see Mr. Trump in a negative light outweighs those with a positive view by 52 percentage points, the poll found. At this point in 2012, Hispanic views of GOP nominee Mitt Romney were more negative than positive by 9 points.
At the same time, Mrs. Clinton is also viewed less favorably by Hispanic voters than was her party’s last nominee. The share of Hispanic voters who see her in a positive light is 7 points higher than the share with a negative view. By contrast, Mr. Obama was 35 points more positive than negative among Hispanic voters at this point in 2012.
The dueling videos recently sent by Mr. Trump and Mrs. Clinton to the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference reflect the tenor and breadth of their overall Hispanic outreach: his approach appears unorganized while hers resembles a professional marketing campaign.
In his video, Mr. Trump is sitting on his plane and reads the name of the organization off a sheet of paper. “It’s not going to be easy but I’m going to win and we’re going to take care of everybody,” says Mr. Trump, who promises to reduce unemployment and crime and improve urban schools and border security.
Mrs. Clinton, by contrast, rattles off the name of the group, the title of its annual gathering and its leadership. She quotes from Scripture.
She also takes on Mr. Trump without directly mentioning his name.
“You know we’re hearing some divisive and dangerous rhetoric in this election,” she says. “We have a candidate who wants to tear families apart and forcibly deport 11 million undocumented immigrants.”
By Emily Stephenson and Steve Gorman
May 25, 2016
Some 100 people staged a boisterous but largely peaceful demonstration outside a Southern California rally by Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump, at times taunting his supporters before police moved in and arrested eight people.
The activists carried signs such as "Stop Nazi Trump" and "Dump Trump," and beat a pinata made to resemble the presumptive Republican nominee outside a convention center in Anaheim, just a few blocks from Disneyland, before they were driven from the scene by police on horseback.
A spokesman for the Anaheim Police Department said seven adults and one minor were arrested on charges ranging from selling T-shirts without a permit to unlawful assembly.
The arrests came one day after a Trump event in Albuquerque, New Mexico, erupted into chaos after hundreds of protesters tried to swarm the convention center where Trump spoke, knocking down barricades, waving Mexican flags and hurling rocks and bottles at police officers in riot gear. Police responded with smoke bombs and pepper spray.
Albuquerque police said they made arrests both outside and inside the rally, where demonstrators continually interrupted Trump's speech. The police department's Twitter feed said officers were treated for injuries caused by thrown rocks.
In a Twitter post on Wednesday, Trump called the protesters in Albuquerque "thugs who were flying the Mexican flag."
"The rally inside was big and beautiful, but outside, criminals!" he said.
In Anaheim, police warned in advance that they would take "swift" action if protests got out of hand, and the roughly 150 officers and sheriffs deputies on hand may have outnumbered the protesters.
Inside, Trump was interrupted by hecklers as he spoke, including one man who waved a Mexican flag.
"Do not hurt him," Trump said as a man was led out of the arena. "I say that for the television cameras. Even though he is a bad person."
LATINOS FOR TRUMP
Many of those who protested outside the arena expressed anger over Trump's views on immigration, at one point ripping apart a piñata resembling the candidate and spearing the paper-mache head on top of a flagpole with a large Mexican flag.
Police largely stood by watching the demonstration, which became tense at times when anti-Trump protesters surrounded smaller groups of his supporters. At one point a brief shoving match broke out.
As Trump's campaign event neared its conclusion inside, outside a police helicopter circled overhead, ordering the throng to disperse or face arrest. Officers on horseback then drove the crowd from the scene, where several people were taken into custody for failing to disperse.
Trump's appearances in the U.S. West in areas with significant Hispanic populations have drawn large protests in response to his remarks that Mexico is sending criminals and rapists to the United States, made when he launched his campaign last year.
Trump's problems with Latino voters could dampen his Nov. 8 election hopes. A poll by the political research group Latino Decisions found 87 percent of registered Hispanic voters view Trump unfavorably. States like Nevada and New Mexico have growing Hispanic populations that could tip the election.
Trump's trip west came ahead of the California and New Mexico nominating contests on June 7. He also plans to hold several large fundraising events in California. It is the first high-dollar fundraising event the New York real estate mogul has held after largely self-funding his primary campaign.
Mike McGetrick, one of two people carrying "Latinos for Trump" signs at the Anaheim rally, said he is part of a group called America First Latinos, whose website describes its members as believing in "the rule of law, hard work and the American Dream." He said his neighborhood in nearby Orange is "being overrun" by undocumented immigrants.
"There are so many of them, and they’re everywhere," said McGetrick, 62, a retired city worker. "I can tell an illegal from a regular person just like that."
Trump supporters have been hopeful that his likely opponent, Democrat Hillary Clinton, will be dogged by her own problems to offset his difficulty with some populations. On Wednesday, Clinton faced renewed criticism about her use of a private email server for government business while secretary of state after a report by the State Department's inspector general said she had violated agency policies.
Trump only briefly addressed the report in his appearance in Anaheim.
"Not good," he said. "Inspector general’s report, not good."
By Mesfin Fekadu
May 25, 2016
R&B singer The Weeknd and rapper Belly have canceled their performance on “Jimmy Kimmel Live!” because Donald Trump was set to appear on the episode.
The Oscar-nominated musicians were slated to record their performance Wednesday in Los Angeles for the late-night ABC show. Belly said he canceled because he didn’t want to share a stage with Trump and disagrees with the presumptive Republican presidential nominee’s views and beliefs.
“I feel like the way I was raised was to be able to see through all the titles in this world — from religion to race,” Belly said in a statement. “I just didn’t want to feel like I was a part of a celebration for somebody who has beliefs that majority of us don’t agree with.”
Trump has been criticized by some political rivals and voters for his comments on topics including women, refugees, immigrants and Muslims, such as when he said some Mexican immigrants in the U.S. illegally are “rapists” and when he called for a ban on Muslim immigration into the United States.
A Trump spokeswoman didn’t immediately respond to an email seeking comment on The Weeknd and Belly.
The Jimmy Kimmel show had no comment, a representative said. Representatives for The Weeknd didn’t immediately respond to emails seeking comment.
The Weeknd won two Grammy Awards earlier this year, including best urban contemporary album for “Beauty Behind the Madness.” Belly has co-written many of The Weeknd’s hits, including “Earned It,” ‘’The Hills,” ‘’Into the Night” and “Often.”
The Weeknd appears on Belly’s song “Might Not,” which they were set to perform on Kimmel’s show.
Belly, who’s signed to Jay Z’s Roc Nation management, will release a new mixtape, “Another Day In Paradise,” on Friday.
“I’m here on a campaign of positivity and love and to contribute what I can to music,” Belly said. “I create songs people go to sleep and wake up to, songs that they fall in love to. For me, being Muslim and being somebody that appreciates my access here in America, I love the fact that I’m able to be here. To play my part in this business is a privilege and a beautiful thing. The fact that I could lose that ability through the actions of someone such as Donald Trump isn’t right to me. At all.”
Belly shared an Oscar nomination for best original song with The Weeknd for “Earned It,” which appears on the “Fifty Shades of Grey” soundtrack.
Belly and The Weekend are from Canada. Belly also co-wrote Beyonce’s “6 Inch,” which features vocals from The Weeknd and appears on her “Lemonade” album.
By Steve Peoples and Jill Colvin
May 26, 2016
Hispanic voters in Florida, New Mexico and California have waved Mexican flags and bashed Donald Trump piñatas — clashing with police, at times — to protest the Republican presidential contender’s hard line approach to immigration.
Yet far from the protests, an increasingly vocal Hispanic minority is speaking out in favor of the brash billionaire. They are backing Trump even in the face of resentment and suspicion from friends and family, who are among the overwhelming majority of non-white voters opposed to the New York businessman’s candidacy.
“I’m not ashamed to vote for Trump. I’d just rather not have the conversation with my family,” said Natalie Lally, a 22-year-old college student from New York City whose large extended family has Colombian roots.
She says silence fell over her grandmother’s living room when she admitted her support for Trump during a recent family gathering that included more than 30 relatives.
“They just kind of seemed uneasy,” she recalled. “And my uncle just said, ‘Why?’ ”
In the border towns of Texas, the working-class neighborhoods of New York, and even inside Trump’s overwhelmingly white rallies, the pro-Trump Hispanic minority is willing to risk public and private ridicule to defend the GOP’s presumptive presidential nominee. So far, however, they’re not getting much help from Trump’s campaign, which has yet to launch an outreach effort to improve his standing with the growing voting bloc.
Approximately 23 percent of Hispanics said they’d vote for Trump in a May poll conducted by Fox News. Other recent polling places Trump far lower. The GOP’s last presidential nominee, Mitt Romney, has cited his poor standing with Hispanic voters as one of his biggest regrets from the last election, when he earned 27 percent of the Hispanic vote.
Trump’s team acknowledges the importance of the voting bloc, but says there has been little organized outreach so far.
“Any demographic that is growing at the rate of the Latino voters obviously will be of the utmost importance to a presidential campaign,” Trump aide Ed Brookover said when asked about Hispanic outreach. “I know it’s been talked about, but I think it’s a touch early. I don’t know of anything organized.”
Trump’s team expects to work closely with the Republican National Committee, however, which has had paid Hispanic outreach staff on the ground in nine states.
Trump supporters are eager to help.
Carlos Guerra, a 24-year-old son of Mexican immigrants who lives along the border in Laredo, Texas, says he wants to do more than wear Trump’s “Make American Great Again” hat around town.
“Our town is sick of the violence from Mexico,” he said, applauding Trump’s plan to build a massive wall on the border. “People are dying every day.”
Some of his family members also support Trump, but “they’re not as loud about it,” he said.
“I have talked to a lot of people and of course they criticize me,” Guerra added. “They ask, ‘Do you hate your race?’ I feel discriminated against, honestly.”
Trump’s policies and tone on immigration have sparked passionate — and sometimes violent — reactions from minority voters.
His vow to complete a massive wall along the Mexican border is a pillar of his agenda. He has also promised to impose a temporary ban on Muslims entering the U.S., embraced plans to deport more than 11 million immigrants in the country illegally and described Mexican immigrants as rapists and criminals in his announcement speech.
He lashed out at protesters who clashed with police outside his Tuesday rally in Albuquerque, New Mexico. The protesters, including many Hispanics, waved Mexican flags while others hurled rocks at police.
“The protesters in New Mexico were thugs who were flying the Mexican flag,” Trump wrote on Twitter. “The rally inside was big and beautiful, but outside, criminals!”
During a Wednesday appearance in Anaheim, he claimed “a great relationship with the Hispanics.”
“The Mexican people are great. They’re going to vote for me like crazy,” he said.
Outside the Anaheim event, a small group of protesters pummeled and decapitated a Trump piñata as police arrested more protesters.
Heated protests have followed the Republican leader across the country, particularly in urban centers and states, like New Mexico and California, with large Hispanic populations.
Yet there are often a handful of Hispanic supporters inside his rallies. Before Trump took the stage in Albuquerque, Mary Jo Andrade, 37, a licensed mental health counselor, said her 17-year-old daughter is often teased in school for backing him.
“She hears, ‘Oh, you’re not real Mexican. You’re not true Mexican,’ ” Andrade said and added, “A lot of the time I tell her, ‘Keep your silence because of that.’ ”
By Emily Stephenson and Steve Gorman
May 25, 2016
Police in Anaheim, California, warned they would take "swift and decisive enforcement action" if protesters get out of hand at a Donald Trump rally on Wednesday, a day after a violence broke out at the Republican presidential candidate's campaign event in New Mexico.
Trump's appearances in the U.S. West in areas with significant Hispanic populations have drawn large protests - such as Tuesday's violence in Albuquerque, where rock-throwing demonstrators were arrested - because of his remarks that Mexico is sending criminals and rapists to the United States.
Trump's problems with Latino communities could dampen his Nov. 8 election hopes. A poll by the political research group Latino Decisions found 87 percent of registered Hispanic voters view Trump unfavorably and states like Nevada and New Mexico have growing Hispanic populations that could tip the election.
Mike McGetrick, one of two people carrying "Latinos for Trump" signs at the Anaheim rally, said he is part of a group called America First Latinos. He said his neighborhood in nearby Orange is "being overrun" by undocumented immigrants.
"There are so many of them, and they’re everywhere," said McGetrick, 62, a retired city worker. "I can tell an illegal from a regular person just like that."
Supporters of the presumptive Republican nominee have been hopeful that his likely opponent, Democrat Hillary Clinton, will be dogged by her own problems to offset his difficulty with some populations. On Wednesday, Clinton faced renewed criticism about her use of a private email server after an inspector general report cited her for violating agency policies.
California and New Mexico both hold primary elections on June 7 and on Tuesday night, hundreds of protesters tried to swarm the convention center in Albuquerque, New Mexico, where Trump spoke, knocking down barricades, waving Mexican flags and hurling rocks and bottles at police officers in riot gear. Police responded with smoke bombs and pepper spray.
Police said they made arrests both outside and inside the rally, where protesters continually interrupted the billionaire New York developer's speech. The police department's Twitter feed said officers were treated for injuries caused by thrown rocks.
In a Twitter post on Wednesday, Trump called the protesters "thugs who were flying the Mexican flag."
"The rally inside was big and beautiful, but outside, criminals!" he said.
Trump is scheduled to speak at 3 p.m. EDT in Anaheim, a city about 25 miles (40 km) from Los Angeles. At the city's 7,500-seat convention center, authorities boosted staffing levels, deployed officers on motorcycles to control traffic and urged attendees to be on their best behavior, Anaheim Police Sergeant Daron Wyatt said.
"We respect the rights of everyone to protest and get their word out," Wyatt said, adding they must do so "peacefully and within the confines of the law."
Anaheim Police Chief Raul Quezada said, "Everyone has the right to participate without fear of violence or disorder and we are prepared to take swift and decisive enforcement action should it become necessary."
Previous Trump appearances in the area have been marked by disruptions. Seventeen people were arrested last month at a Trump rally in Costa Mesa, about 20 miles (32 km) south of Anaheim, media reports said, after protesters blocked traffic and threw rocks and debris at motorists and police.
Despite Trump securing the Republican nomination and beginning to build a consensus within his party, his trip west also has revealed the continued divisions within his own party.
While speaking in New Mexico, he criticized the state's Republican governor, Susana Martinez, by saying, "She’s not doing her job."
Martinez has not endorsed Trump and has said she will continue to press him on how he will help her state.
"The potshots weren’t about policy, they were about politics," Martinez's office said in a statement in response to Trump. "... Governor Martinez doesn’t care about what Donald Trump says about her – she cares about what he says he will do to help New Mexicans. She’s disappointed that she didn’t hear anything about that last night."
By Richard Reeves
May 24, 2016
It won’t actually make the nation great again.
“There is room for everybody in America,” wrote French-American author Hector St. John de Crèvecœur in 1782’s Letters from an American Farmer.
Like most of the founding generation, Crèvecœur believed the sheer size of the new nation meant for a prosperous future. But he was also celebrating an attitude of openness, a willingness to embrace new citizens from around the world into what he called the “melting pot” of American society.
The embrace of openness has survived, in spite of occasional outbreaks of anti-immigrant sentiment, for the intervening two and a half centuries. The United States remains an immigrant nation, in spirit as well as in fact. (A fact for which, as an immigrant from the Old Country, I am grateful). My wife is American, and my high schoolers have had U.S. passports since being born in London. Right now I’m applying for U.S. citizenship. I want America to be my home, not just my residence. My story is of course very different to most immigrants – but the point is, all of our stories are different. What unites us is our desire to be American.
But this spirit may be waning. Thanks only in part to Donald Trump, immigration is near the top of the political agenda – and not in a good way.
Trump has brilliantly exploited the imagery of The Wall to tap into the frustrations of white middle America. But America needs immigration. At the most banal level, this is a question of math. We need more young workers to fund the old age of the Baby Boomers. Overall, immigrants are good for the economy, as a recent summary of research from Brookings’ Hamilton Project shows.
Of course, while immigration might be good for the economy as a whole, that does not mean it is good for everyone. Competition for wages and jobs will impact negatively on some existing residents, who may be more economically vulnerable in the first place. Policymakers keen to promote the benefits of immigration should also be attentive to its costs.
But the value of immigration cannot be reduced to an actuarial table or spreadsheet. Immigrants do not simply make America better off. They make America better. Immigrants provide a shot in the nation’s arm.
Immigrants are now twice as likely to start a new business as native-born Americans. While rates of entrepreneurialism are declining among natives, they are rising among immigrants. Immigrant children typically show extraordinary upward mobility, in terms of income, occupation and education. Among children born in Los Angeles to poorly-educated Chinese immigrants, for example, an astonishing 70% omplete a four-year-college degree.
As the work of my Brookings colleague William Frey shows, immigrants are migrants within the U. S., too, moving on from traditional immigrant cities — New York and Los Angeles — to other towns and cities in search of a better future.
New Americans are true Americans. We need more of them. But Trump is tapping directly and dangerously into white fears of an America growing steadily browner. According to a 2011 Pew Research Center survey, more than four in ten white seniors say that a growing population of immigrants is a “change for the worse;” half of white boomers believe immigration is “a threat to traditional American customs and values.”
Immigration gets at a deep question of American identity in the 21st century. Just like people, societies age. They might also settle down, lose some dynamism. They might trade a little less openness for a little more security. In other words, they get a bit stuck in their ways. Immigrants generate dynamism and aspiration, but they are also unsettling and challenging.
Where this debate ends will therefore tell us a great deal about the trajectory of the nation. An America that closes its doors will be an America that has chosen to settle down rather than grow, allowing security to eclipse dynamism.
Disruption is not costless. But America has always weighed the benefits of dynamism and diversity more heavily. Immigration is an important way in which America hits the refresh button and renews herself. Without immigration, the nation would not only be worse off, but would cease, in some elemental sense, to be America at all.