Boston Globe
By Jim O’Sullivan
September 11, 2015
Some
of them go back to 2002, the win. Others slogged through Iowa, twice,
and rode aboard the Mitt Mobile. In 2012, they were so close to the
White House they could taste
it.
Now,
the Mitt Romney diaspora — an army of former aides and advisers from
Romney’s long political career — are arrayed among a host of Republican
presidential campaigns.
But, through no concerted effort, they are curiously aligned once again
in common cause, a stem-to-stern effort that has united old comrades
even as they nominally play for different teams: stopping Donald Trump.
“We
are united,” said one former Romney aide now working for another
campaign, which he said would not permit him to speak for attribution.
“It’s
a common goal and not just for Romney people, but for anyone invested
in Republicanism, conservatism, and anyone who gives a flying
[expletive] about what we’re
trying to do here. Even if you’re not getting paid, this isn’t good for
anybody,” he said.
“It
would be ironic if it wasn’t like every single person in the political
wing who can stare more than five seconds into the future wasn’t
mortified or petrified at the
prospect of Trump being the nominee,” said Florida-based GOP strategist
Rick Wilson who called a Trump nomination “an existential threat” to
the party.
Since
the 2012 election campaign, supporters and staffers of Mitt Romeny have
scattered across the 2016 Republican presidential campaign spectrum.
Trump,
soaring to the top of both national and early-state polls, has
exercised a centrifugal force on much of the rest of the 17-candidate
Republican field. At the same
time, he has worried establishment Republicans who complain that he is
rendering the Republican brand less viable in a general election,
regardless of who winds up with the nomination.
Trump
is, in a sense, the anti-Mitt. And he is leading, by no small margin,
the would-be heirs to Romney’s throne as sovereign of the party’s
moderate, establishment,
country-club wing.
That
faction of the GOP is where most of the Romney alumni have landed in
the 2016 cycle. Former Florida governor Jeb Bush appears to have
garnered the most former Romney
hands, including longtime advisers Beth Myers and Peter Flaherty; his
top 2012 New Hampshire and Iowa strategists Rich Killion and David
Kochel; and Mike Murphy, a veteran GOP consultant with longstanding ties
to both Romney and Bush who is leading a super
PAC backing Bush. His campaign manager, Danny Diaz, was a senior
adviser to Romney in 2012.
Most
of the rest of the Romney graduates are splayed across campaigns
competing with Bush for the voters who propelled Romney to the 2012
nomination.
Florida
Senator Marco Rubio has scored, among others, Romney’s 2012 political
director, Rich Beeson; New Hampshire director Jim Merrill; and longtime
aide Will Ritter.
Brian Jones, a veteran of George W. Bush’s 2004 campaign who helped
advise Romney in 2012, is working for New Jersey Governor Chris
Christie, as is former Romney media consultant Russ Schriefer.
“Given
how wide the field is, it shouldn’t surprise anyone that they went in
different directions, but they’ve all gone to serious people,” said
Brian J. Walsh, a Washington-based
Republican strategist not affiliated with any of the campaigns.
Romney
himself has signaled the charge against Trump, taking to Twitter to
criticize Trump in the wake of the latter’s insult to Senator John
McCain’s war record. But,
said Romney supporters, he has not sought to direct his flock toward
any one candidate.
“The
encouragement from the top, from Mitt himself, has been: ‘Go where you
want. These are all good people.’ He basically set you free,” said Tom
Rath, the former attorney
general of New Hampshire and a two-time Romney backer. Along with John
E. Sununu, a former US senator from New Hampshire, Rath this time is
supporting Ohio Governor John Kasich.
Regardless
of where the Romney acolytes have landed, they find themselves, at this
point in the race, facing shared challenges. First, they must stop the
Trump phenomenon
— or wait for it to burn itself out — and then they must distinguish
themselves from one another and the remainder of the field.
“What
seems to be the biggest problem for 17 announced candidates is: ‘How do
I get myself in the top 10? How do I get myself noticed, when there’s
this circumstance where
Donald Trump has come in and taken so much oxygen out of the room?’ ”
said Tom Reynolds, a former Republican congressman from New York.
For
the Romney alums, there is a sense of we’ve-seen-this-before. During
the 2012 campaign, Romney endured a string of flare-ups from other
candidates who, at one point
or another, challenged him in the polls by appealing to the party’s
more conservative populist base: Michele Bachmann, Herman Cain, Newt
Gingrich, Rick Santorum.
At
each turn, Romney persevered, emerging with heavy political damage, but
victorious nonetheless. Often, he won out because voters ultimately
decided that the flavor-of-the-month
candidate was not prepared to be commander-in-chief.
This time around, Trump’s durability has, thus far, defied that pragmatism.
Henry
Barbour, a Mississippi-based GOP strategist who helped write the
party’s post-mortem on the 2012 campaign, pointed to an interview Trump
gave last week with conservative
radio host Hugh Hewitt, during which the real estate magnate informed
Hewitt that the difference between Hamas and Hezbollah would begin to
matter to him “when it’s appropriate.”
“I will know more about it than you know, and believe me, it won’t take me long,” Trump told Hewitt.
“It’s
hard to imagine a serious presidential candidate, in this time with all
the concerns of terrorism and unease in the Middle East, that a serious
presidential candidate
wouldn’t understand the names, particularly Hamas and Hezbollah,” said
Barbour, who is supporting Texas Governor Rick Perry.
“This
isn’t a reality show,” he added, referring to Trump’s successful run as
a television star. “This is leader of the free world, and to be honest I
think he’s more
negative than positive, and I think people in a general election are
looking for an optimistic, unifying candidate as opposed to a divisive,
negative candidate.”
But,
despite a range of strategies to topple Trump, none of the others has
been able to, leaving some Republicans pining for a certain two-time
presidential candidate
from Massachusetts.
“Romney’s
the one candidate who, if he was on the stage with Donald, he would
bulldoze him,” said Scott Reed, senior political strategist at the US
Chamber of Commerce
and Bob Dole’s campaign manager in 1996. “He’s smarter, he’s more
worldly, he gets politics, and he would not take it.”
Meanwhile,
there is growing alarm within the Romney wing of the Republican Party
that the longer Trump dominates the field and the headlines, the higher
the hurdles will
be for the eventual GOP nominee in a general election.
“Not
only would Donald Trump not win the White House next year, he’s also
doing a great deal of harm to the Republican Party today with his very
divisive rhetoric, particularly
against the types of people Republicans are going to need to win next
year, particularly female voters and Hispanics,” Walsh said.
Some Republicans hold hope that the cavalry is approaching.
“I
think you’re going to see more concerted efforts against him in the
future,” said Wilson, the Florida-based strategist. “A very broad and
decentralized movement coming
from a surprisingly diverse set of different buckets of Republican
voters and communities” is, he said, beginning to mobilize financial
efforts to take out Trump.
But that goal, shared seemingly across the GOP establishment, has proved elusive.
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