Washington Post (Opinion)
By Catherine Rampell
June 4, 2015
It’s
said that if you’re not liberal when you’re young, you have no heart,
and if you’re not conservative by middle age, you have no brain.
By this standard, our Democratic presidential candidates have lost their minds.
Thanks
to Lincoln Chafee’s recent entrée into the 2016 primary, it would seem
that a majority of the Democratic Party’s expected contenders are former
conservatives who
converted to liberalism later in life. That’s what you’d guess from
their shifting party affiliations, at least: Chafee, James Webb and even
Hillary Clinton all once proudly called themselves Republicans.
(Rounding out the field are Bernie Sanders, a socialist
senator who has traditionally called himself an independent, and former
Maryland governor Martin O’Malley.)
At
first blush, this might reflect poorly on the Democratic Party by
making its talent pool appear so shallow that it must poach politicians
from across the aisle. But
in truth it’s much more damning of the GOP.
First, some background:
Clinton,
today sometimes caricatured by the right as a pinko commie, was once
president of her college Republican Club, according to her
autobiography. And she was not
just any flavor of Republican: She was a proud “Goldwater girl,” after
the canonically conservative U.S. senator from Arizona, Barry Goldwater.
“I
liked Senator Goldwater because he was a rugged individualist who swam
against the political tide,” she writes, describing donning a straw
cowboy hat emblazoned with
“AuH20” in the senator’s honor. She began her conversion to liberalism
relatively early, though, completing it by the end of her studies at
Yale Law School (where she met Bill, with whom she worked on Democrat
George McGovern’s presidential campaign).
For
Chafee, the transition arrived much later in life. Like Jeb Bush, his
high school classmate, Chafee comes from a Republican dynasty. His
great-great-grandfather and
great-great-uncle both were Rhode Island governors; another
great-great-uncle was a U.S. senator. And of course Chafee’s father
served as both governor and a U.S. senator for the state. All these
forebears were members of the Grand Old Party, as was Chafee
himself as mayor of Warwick and then successor to his father’s Senate
seat. Until, that is, he defected in 2007. He later won a gubernatorial
race as an independent and rebranded himself as a Democrat in 2013.
The
lower-profile Webb, a former U.S. senator from Virginia, has not yet
announced his candidacy, but he formed an exploratory committee last
year. He aligned himself
with Republicans for most of his adult life and served as secretary of
the Navy under Ronald Reagan (with whom he appears in a photo on his Web
site). After growing disillusioned with President George W. Bush’s
military policy, Webb ran for, and won, a Senate
seat in 2006 as a Democrat.
So what’s the deal with all these turncoats?
Clinton
seems to have simply acquired her new ideology once she gained some
distance from her Republican upbringing. But for Chafee and Webb, the
transformation seems
to have been less a result of shifting views than shifting goal posts.
The candidates themselves didn’t get more liberal; the conservative
party these moderates once identified with got radically more
conservative.
Polarization
in the House and Senate is now at the highest level since the end of
Reconstruction, according to at least one measure. And it’s true that
both parties have
moved outward. But the polarization has been asymmetric, with
Republicans having moved much further right than Democrats have moved
left.
Today’s
Republican Party is one that would likely consider Richard Nixon — who
created the Environmental Protection Agency, championed affirmative
action and advocated
for national health care — too liberal. Even Reagan — who granted
amnesty to 3 million undocumented immigrants, raised taxes 11 times and
was willing to negotiate with the Soviets — might not survive a
Republican presidential primary today.
If
there isn’t room for Nixon and Reagan in today’s shrunken GOP tent,
there definitely isn’t space for centrists such as Chafee and Webb.
Webb’s views are eclectic, including
a dose of economic populism, support for abortion rights, skepticism
about immigration and opposition to gun control laws. Chafee likewise
supports abortion rights and gay marriage. He also voted against the
Bush tax cuts — on fiscally conservative grounds,
mind you, since he thought they would irresponsibly widen the deficit.
In a speech that I attended in 2003, Chafee lamented the rise of
“right-wing fanatics” but said he truly believed Republican moderates
would regain their clout, so he was committed to sticking
with the party of his childhood. They didn’t, so he didn’t.
In
other words, it’s wrong to say these Democratic presidential hopefuls
left the Republican Party. The Republican Party left them.
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