USA Today
By Richard Wolf
March 31, 2016
Days
after Justice Antonin Scalia's death last month, two of his eight
remaining colleagues were asked how the Supreme Court would function
without him.
"For the most part, it will not change," Justice Stephen Breyer said of the day-to-day workload.
Added Justice Samuel Alito, matter-of-factly: "We will deal with it."
If
the past few weeks are any indication, however, change has come to the
high court, and the justices are dealing with it in fits and starts.
Cases
large and small are ending in tie votes. The pace of decisions has
slowed slightly, and fewer new cases are being granted. Scalia's
commanding presence at oral arguments hasn't been
filled — nor, presumably, his role as the court's éminence grise at
private conferences where decisions are made.
This
week, apparently dissatisfied with all its options in a major case
pitting religious freedom against reproductive rights, the court went so
far as to suggest a solution that neither
side had advocated. That's far afield from what Chief Justice John
Roberts has called a judge's traditional role — calling balls and
strikes.
Perhaps
the biggest change has been the simple subtraction of the court's
senior justice, whose firm views on most matters of law gave his
colleagues a viewpoint to rally around or rail against.
"None
of them has ever been on the court without Justice Scalia," says Erwin
Chemerinsky, a Supreme Court scholar and founding dean of the University
of California, Irvine School of Law.
The
impact was on display throughout February and early March, when
Scalia's place on the bench was left vacant and draped with black cloth.
It was noticeable later in March with a new, seniority-based
seating arrangement, forcing Justice Sonia Sotomayor at one point to
interrupt an advocate at the lectern: "Counsel, I'm over here."
Suddenly,
Justice Anthony Kennedy — for a decade the court's most likely swing
vote — wasn't the only focal point for lawyers in close cases. With five
votes needed for a precedent-setting
verdict, lawyers representing conservative causes need one of the four
liberal justices as well.
Scalia's
absence even appeared to affect the courtroom behavior of his closest
friend there, Justice Clarence Thomas, who broke a 10-year silence Feb.
29 with a series of questions in a case
affecting gun rights. True to form, Thomas quickly reverted to silence
throughout March.
"Justice
Scalia occupied a lot of space at oral argument," says Irv Gornstein,
executive director of the Supreme Court Institute at Georgetown
University Law Center. "Who is going to take
up the questioning? In the most contentious cases, the pressure will be
on the chief justice and Justice Alito."
With
Senate Republicans vowing that they will not confirm a ninth justice
until the nation has a 45th president, the court could remain a man down
for a year or more. That's sure to weaken
its grip on the nation's lower courts in cases where the justices can't
break a tie.
The
first sign of the times came last week, when the court deadlocked in a
bankruptcy dispute between a Missouri bank and a development company
that defaulted on its loans. It was a fairly
minor case that drew little notice when it was argued on the first day
of the term last October.
Then
this week, one of the court's most important cases emerged in a tie,
giving public employee unions a reprieve from what looked like a sure
loss in a battle over the fees they collect
from non-members. A likely 5-4 defeat for the California Teachers
Association became a deadlock, which upheld the union's victory at the
federal appeals court.
That
one-sentence ruling — "The judgment is affirmed by an equally divided
Court" — was one of only two decisions handed down this week, a further
indication that Scalia's death has slowed
the process. So far, 13 cases have been decided in the court's February
and March sittings, down slightly from an average of 18 in recent
years.
More
apparent has been the slower pace of new cases accepted for
consideration — just two since Scalia died, compared to an average of
about 12 during the same period in recent years. It
takes the votes of four justices to hear a case but five to win, which
sometimes deters those inclined to hear it. The specter of tie votes
rendering the process almost meaningless adds a new wrinkle.
"The
fear of the end game is a different fear now," says Stephen Wermiel, a
constitutional law professor at American University Washington College
of Law.
That
fear may have prompted the court's highly unusual order Tuesday. The
justices asked for new briefs from both sides in the challenge brought
by religiously affiliated employers — such
as charities, hospitals and universities — to the federal requirement
that their employees receive free coverage of contraceptives.
The
Obama administration's solution, rejected by the non-profits but upheld
by most lower courts, called for them to write a letter or file a form
transferring responsibility to insurers
or third-party administrators. The justices asked if that could happen
"without any such notice" from the employers — something akin to an
immaculate conception.
"I
cannot think of another example where the Supreme Court, in an order,
suggested a compromise and then asked the parties to brief it,”
Chemerinsky said. "I had to read it three times to
understand what it was saying."
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