New York Times
By Jonathan Mahler
February 29, 2016
Until
recently, Jared Taylor, long one of the country’s most prominent white
supremacists, had never supported a presidential candidate.
“There’s
been no one worth endorsing,” he said in an interview. “I mean, for
heaven’s sake, was John McCain ever going to do anything useful as far
as the legitimate interests
of whites are concerned?”
But Mr. Taylor believes he has finally found someone who will: Donald J. Trump.
This
year, Mr. Taylor’s voice could be heard on robocalls to voters across
Iowa and New Hampshire, urging them to support Mr. Trump. “We don’t need
Muslims,” he said on
the call. “We need smart, educated, white people who will assimilate to
our culture.”
Then came Sunday — a banner day for Mr. Trump in the eyes of white-power advocates.
“God bless this man,” exulted the Daily Stormer, a white supremacist website.
After
the CNN interview, Mr. Trump pointed to his disavowal of Mr. Duke’s
support two days earlier. In an appearance on NBC’s “Today” show on
Monday, he blamed a “very
bad earpiece” for his equivocation. And a spokeswoman for Mr. Trump,
Hope Hicks, said he broadly disavowed all white supremacist groups.
Mr.
Duke took no umbrage. “I’ll laugh it off — that’s fine,” he said in an
interview on Fox News Radio on Monday evening. “Donald Trump: Do
whatever you need to get elected.”
Intentionally
or not, Mr. Trump’s remarks are resonating with — and mobilizing —
white supremacists, many of whom have traditionally refrained from
participating in the
political process.
He has their support, whether he wants it or not.
“I’ve
never met him, and I cannot read his mind any better than you can,”
said Mr. Taylor, 64, the Virginia-based founder of the New Century
Foundation and editor of its
website, American Renaissance. “But someone who wants to send home all
illegal immigrants and at least temporarily ban Muslim immigration is
acting in the interest of whites, whether consciously or not.”
It
is difficult to quantify the reach of the various white-supremacist
websites that are championing Mr. Trump’s cause. Mr. Taylor says
American Renaissance attracts about
300,000 unique visitors a month. Another white-power site,
Stormfront.org, claims to have the same number of registered users.
But however limited the practical implications of their support may be, the symbolic implications seem clear.
“You
can’t help who admires you, but when white supremacists start endorsing
you for president, you ought to start asking why,” said Richard Cohen,
the president of the
Southern Poverty Law Center, which tracks white-power groups.
Mr.
Trump is not the first presidential candidate whose efforts to exploit a
mood of mistrust and resentment across much of the electorate wound up
energizing those in
its most racialist corners. In the 1968 presidential race, Gov. George
C. Wallace of Alabama, a champion of segregation, won five Southern
states in part by appealing to racial fears in a campaign waged against
the backdrop of urban riots across America. He
was beaten by Richard M. Nixon, who made a subtler appeal to
disaffected white voters.
More
recently, in 1996, Patrick J. Buchanan assailed illegal immigration as
an “invasion,” referred to Mexicans as a group as “Jose,” and elongated
Justice Ruth Bader
Ginsburg’s name in a way that many critics took as anti-Semitic —
saying he was using coded language to excite bigots without alienating
mainstream voters.
Now,
Mr. Trump is embarked on his own resentment-based campaign, and it is
not limited to a single region: His commanding victories in the last
three contests came in
the Northeast, the South and the West.
Mr.
Trump’s support among white supremacists has been building from the day
he announced his candidacy, when he characterized Mexican immigrants as
“rapists.”
Since
then, Mr. Trump — or “the glorious leader,” as one white-power writer
is calling him — has only grown more popular with that constituency,
which cheered his proposal
to ban all Muslim immigration and his since-debunked claim to have seen
“thousands and thousands of Muslims” celebrating the terrorist attacks
of Sept. 11, 2001, in New Jersey.
Mr.
Trump has amplified the messages of some white-power proponents
himself: In January, he resent a Twitter message from a site called
@WhiteGenocideTm. And he has done
the same with statistics on black-on-white crime that were later shown
to be false.
Nor was Mr. Trump’s CNN interview on Sunday the first time he had been pressed to repudiate his white supremacist supporters.
In
January, when Mr. Trump was questioned about the robocalls made on his
behalf in Iowa by white supremacists, including Mr. Taylor, he said that
he disapproved of the
calls, but that his supporters were animated by a legitimate anger over
the violent crimes being committed by “illegal immigrants.”
Mr.
Trump’s failure to distance himself more sharply from white-power
adherents has been minutely observed in online discussion forums.
The
American Freedom Party, a white power group, has a daily hourlong
podcast devoted to him. And Mr. Trump will be a frequent topic at
American Renaissance’s annual conference
in May.
For
people on the fringes of the American political right, Mr. Trump’s
campaign has held out the promise of a white-power resurgence.
“The
march to victory will not be won by Donald Trump in 2016, but this
could be the steppingstone we need to then radicalize millions of White
working and middle class
families to the call to truly begin a struggle for Faith, family and
folk,” Matthew Heimbach, co-founder of the Traditionalist Youth Network,
wrote on the group’s website in October.
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