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Eli Kantor is a labor, employment and immigration law attorney. He has been practicing labor, employment and immigration law for more than 36 years. He has been featured in articles about labor, employment and immigration law in the L.A. Times, Business Week.com and Daily Variety. He is a regular columnist for the Daily Journal. Telephone (310)274-8216; eli@elikantorlaw.com. For more information, visit beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com and and beverlyhillsemploymentlaw.com

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Friday, September 11, 2015

The GOP’s ‘Whatever’ Moment

Wall Street Journal (Opinion)
By Kimberley Strassel
September 11, 2015

Donald Trump has his go-to words, among them “great,” “terrific,” “rich” and “I.” But the Trumpian word that best sums up his candidacy—and the current mood of his supporters—is simply this: “Whatever.”

“Whatever” is The Donald’s response whenever or wherever he confronts something that he doesn’t like or understand. It’s a way out of taking a position: Does he support D.C. statehood? He’ll do “whatever is good for the District of Columbia.” (Whatever that is.)

It’s a way of ending discussion on a topic he can’t remember, or never knew in the first place. (“I stand by whatever I read.” Next.)

It’s a stand-alone, irritated dismissal. (Mr. Trump, what say you to the argument that most of your proposals are legally or politically or geophysically impossible? Whatever.)

Imagine a Marco Rubio or a Jeb Bush explaining that his position on Iran is to do whatever is terrific. It’s not simply that they couldn’t get away with it. It’s that it wouldn’t occur to them to try. And that’s the great disconnect of this current race. The conservative electorate is thrilling to a “whatever” moment just as it is finally getting the quality candidates and substantive debate it has spent years demanding.

That electorate threw its heart into GOP primaries that cleared out dead wood and sent new blood to Washington. It threw its soul into delivering a new crop of young reformers to state houses and governors’ mansions. It fumed as the party blew two presidential elections, and it made clear it expected far better.

Slowly, the effort paid off. This Republican field is teeming with serious candidates (many elected in response to Mr. Obama) who’ve collectively beaten public unions, reformed pensions, cut spending and taxes, overhauled education, and embraced the energy boom. It’s a talent pool that contains a neurosurgeon, a businesswoman, a Rhodes scholar, a prosecutor, and several state executives—not one of whom looks remotely like Mitt Romney or John McCain. And not one of whom teamed up with a state casino authority to try to seize a woman’s property, to make way for a Trump hotel limousine parking lot. But, whatever.

Mr. Bush this week released a pro-growth tax plan, one that offered specific details on everything from deduction caps to expensing rules. It’s the product of decades of accumulated tax-reform wisdom, and it joins at least two separate proposals for a flat tax (Rand Paul, Ben Carson) and two more that would flatten the code (Mr. Rubio, Chris Christie). Mr. Trump’s own tax plan consists of a vague promise to raise taxes on Wall Street “paper pushers,” a position that won him rave reviews from liberals like Elizabeth Warren. But, whatever.

Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker, Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal and Mr. Rubio have offered comprehensive health-care proposals. All accomplish the burning conservative goal of killing ObamaCare, though they take different approaches to instituting a free-market system. This is a great debate—if we will have it. Instead, as much as 44% of the conservative electorate is now open to the single-payer system that Bernie Sanders advocates because Mr. Trump says it “works incredibly well in Scotland.” It doesn’t work, of course. In Scotland. Or anywhere. In the universe. But. What. Ever.

Despite claims otherwise, GOP candidates have responded to the base’s frustration on immigration. Nearly every candidate has now put a priority on securing the border and tackling sanctuary cities. They’ve supplemented this with an array of thoughtful ideas, on how to deal with current illegals, whom in the future to let in, and how to track them. These proposals are the makings of a highly sophisticated immigration renovation. Mr. Trump’s solution is to build a wall. An idea the Chinese were onto more than 2,000 years ago. But, whatever.

Lindsey Graham and Mr. Rubio and Rand Paul are jump-starting the first real GOP foreign-policy debate in a decade, deliberating the contours of intervention and ways to renew American global power. Mr. Trump suggests seizing Iraqi oil fields, much in the behavior of ISIS. The proceeds Mr. Trump would give to our “wounded warriors,” presumably via the Veterans Administration, which has been accused by its own inspector general of allowing 307,000 soldiers to die while waiting for the agency to notice them. And for which Mr. Trump has no reform plan, unlike some of his rivals. But, really, people. Whatever.

None of this is to dismiss the rage so many Americans feel over government. Or to overlook that this is Mr. Trump’s appeal. Conservatives have become so demoralized by the Obama state, so frustrated by the inability to check it, so tired of overpromising Republicans, that they just want someone to blow up everything. Mr. Trump says he will, and so they’re good with “whatever.”


Yet this frustration has peaked right as the base is finally getting a real choice—finally getting candidates with ideas, and finally getting the potential for a nominee who could have the smarts and experience and mandate to set the federal government on an entirely new course. Conservatives have worked hard to get to this moment. They deserve better than a “whatever.”

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