New York Times
By Alexander Burns
September 13, 2015
The
coalition of the nation’s mayors was envisioned as a powerful advocacy
machine, banding together to put President Obama’s executive actions on
immigration into effect
and to “amplify the progressive vision” by pushing for wholesale
immigration reform.
But
the coalition’s founder, Mayor Bill de Blasio of New York, had even
greater ambitions. The group would aim to influence lawmakers “in a
progressive direction that
goes beyond immigration,” according to a memorandum circulated in
December.
Over
the past nine months, Mr. de Blasio’s coalition, Cities United for
Immigration Action, has become an entity of far more modest proportions.
It has struggled with
the polarized politics of immigration and encountered logistical
turbulence in its efforts to coordinate action across dozens of cities.
Like the Obama administration, it has been buffeted by court rulings
that have stopped the president’s policies from taking
effect.
Some
advocates have expressed dissatisfaction with the level of drama
involved in the coalition’s start: An early fight over the authorship of
a high-profile legal brief
left immigration leaders frustrated by what they viewed as a
heavy-handed approach by officials in New York. At least one major
advocacy organization, the National Immigration Forum, quietly withdrew
from the coalition this year.
“The
coalition is incredibly important, but the model wasn’t really working
for us as an organization,” Ali Noorani, president of the National
Immigration Forum, wrote
in an email to immigration officials in multiple cities in February.
Mr.
de Blasio, a Democrat, has appeared to turn the focus of his own
national advocacy elsewhere, starting another project, the Progressive
Agenda, in May to highlight
income inequality in the 2016 campaign. There is an immigration plank
in his liberal platform, but Mr. de Blasio has scarcely mentioned the
issue in national speeches.
Cities
United has rallied cities in select spots to tackle immigration-related
concerns. So far, its main activity has been litigation: The group
filed two amicus briefs
in support of Mr. Obama’s contested executive actions, which would
grant new protections to undocumented immigrants.
The
coalition organized a conference in May to share information with other
cities about New York’s municipal identification card program. Cities
United is helping organize
a “day of action” among cities this week, to disseminate information
about applying for citizenship. Mr. de Blasio will play a public role in
marking the occasion, a spokeswoman for the mayor, Amy Spitalnick,
said.
Yet
in some respects, Cities United stands as a vivid example of the
hurdles Mr. de Blasio is encountering as a city leader with aspirations
on a grand scale, melding
local policy with national politics, and wielding City Hall and its
staff to mobilize support for broad liberal goals. The December memo
heralding the group’s start was bluntly political in its aspirations,
declaring that “bold ideas win elections” and promising
mayors a platform to go beyond “managing on-the-ground problems like
street cleaning and crime.”
The
collaboration between cities and advocacy groups, however, has not
always gone smoothly, according to a review of hundreds of pages of
public records, obtained through
Freedom of Information requests in nine major cities, including
Chicago, Los Angeles, Philadelphia and San Francisco.
In
January, New York officials clashed sharply with an outside counsel
over the group’s first major project: an amicus brief that Cities United
filed in support of Mr.
Obama, in federal court in Texas. At the recommendation of the National
Immigration Law Center, the coalition retained a Los Angeles firm,
Andrade Gonzalez, to prepare the document.
Sean
Andrade, a founder of the firm, said he suggested that Cities United
list mayors from Texas as the major litigants in the case. Officials in
New York disagreed, preferring
to name New York City and Los Angeles as the chief litigants.
To Mr. Andrade’s dismay, New York officials also demanded that his firm’s name be removed from the brief.
“We
were honored and proud to be part of that brief, because it’s such an
important issue for us, especially as a Latino-owned litigation
boutique,” Mr. Andrade said.
“It became clear, for New York, there were some major political and ego
issues involved.”
Ms.
Spitalnick said the only issue involved was ensuring that the brief met
New York City’s legal standards. In a compromise, Andrade Gonzalez’s
name ultimately appeared
on the document, along with the cities of New York and Los Angeles.
“Because
New York City was going to be named on the brief, we of course needed
to ensure that the brief reflected the quality that we expect of legal
documents filed on
behalf of the City of New York,” Ms. Spitalnick said.
The
spat, however, raised lingering doubts: In an email shortly afterward,
Mr. Noorani, president of the National Immigration Forum, asked a top
Los Angeles city official
for her assessment of a Cities United proposal, “given the incredible
amount of drama they kicked up on the amicus.”
“Not worth it!” replied Linda Lopez, the chief of immigrant affairs for Mayor Eric Garcetti of Los Angeles, a Democrat.
Mr.
Noorani, who described his group in a November email as “the
behind-the-scenes coordinator” for Cities United, informed officials in
February that the forum had halted
its collaboration with Mr. de Blasio’s group.
In
an interview, Mr. Noorani said he remained supportive of Cities United,
but his own group decided to focus on other elements of immigration
policy rather than slogging
it out on the polarized issue of deferred action.
“It
wasn’t necessarily a concern with what Cities United was doing,” Mr.
Noorani said. “Our entire approach is to engage the center, the
center-right and the center-left
in this conversation.”
But
with Mr. Obama’s administrative orders challenged in court, efforts to
put White House policies into effect on the local level have stalled.
Discussions of immigration
have taken on a sharply divisive cast, limiting the appeal of Mr. de
Blasio’s group among moderate and conservative mayors.
Nisha
Agarwal, New York’s commissioner of immigrant affairs, said in an
interview that the mayoral coalition had been forced to adjust its
strategy based on litigation
against the president’s policies. She said Cities United had focused so
far on increasing its membership to over 100 mayors and sharing ideas
between cities about inclusive immigration policy.
Ms.
Agarwal, one of several city officials involved in steering the
coalition, said Cities United aimed to mount a more ambitious lobbying
effort in Washington going forward
— the kind envisioned in its early planning documents. She presented
the group’s activities up to this point as part of a gradual ramping-up.
“Organizing
is the type of thing that starts, and you build and you build, and then
you realize the power of it,” Ms. Agarwal said.
Other
activists and city leaders outside New York called Cities United a
worthwhile addition to the national community of immigration groups.
Mayor
Nan Whaley of Dayton, Ohio, said the coalition had already “emboldened
mayors around the country to take action” on local immigration issues.
“It
has helped us have connections and created this network that helps us
do really good work on this issue,” Ms. Whaley, a Democrat, said.
If
Mr. de Blasio’s public involvement has tapered off, Ms. Spitalnick said
he had been directly engaged behind the scenes, reaching out to recruit
mayors as participants
in the coalition and instructing the Mayor’s Fund to Advance New York
City, the City Hall-controlled nonprofit, to raise money for
immigration-related issues.
In
some early plans for the start of the coalition, Cities United was
mapped out as an independent advocacy organization with its own
leadership structure, according to
people involved in setting up the group, who spoke on the condition of
anonymity to discuss private planning discussions. Instead, Cities
United is now housed entirely within City Hall.
Two
City Hall staff members currently work on the Cities United project,
and the coalition has hired an outside political consulting firm,
Metropolitan Public Strategies,
to help with its communications. Ms. Spitalnick said the political
consulting firm was paid through a grant from the Open Society
Foundations, the liberal billionaire George Soros’s philanthropy.
In
late July, Cities United sent a letter to Congress, signed by about a
quarter of its members, arguing against a Republican proposal to
withdraw funding from so-called
sanctuary cities, which decline to comply with certain immigration
enforcement requests.
But
the group’s long-term trajectory remains a question mark, with
different coalition partners describing widely divergent goals.
Mayor
Paul Soglin of Madison, Wis., a Democrat, said he expected Cities
United to be actively involved in the 2016 campaign. Over the next 15
months, Mr. Soglin said,
he hoped Cities United would seek to “maximize turnout in the
appropriate places where there are specific primaries and then, finally,
the November election.”
Adrienne
Pon, who heads San Francisco’s Office of Civic Engagement and Immigrant
Affairs, said the coalition’s most valuable role was facilitating an
exchange of ideas.
“We’re
using the network in different ways, as a kind of vehicle to share best
practices,” Ms. Pon said. She added, “Definitely nothing political, at
least not for me.”
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com



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