Financial Times
By Barney Jopson
February 16, 2016
When
17-year-old Cynthia Salgado votes in Las Vegas on Saturday she will be
just one of a growing number of Latino US citizens newly energised by
Donald Trump.
Far
from backing the billionaire property developer, Ms Salgado, like many
other Hispanics, is aghast at his anti-immigrant diatribes and keen to
keep him out of the White
House.
“It’s offensive,” she says. “It’s going against morality.”
Such
voters not only provide a source of electoral strength for the
Democrats ahead of November’s general election; they are also
increasingly important in the intensifying
battle between Bernie Sanders, the self-styled socialist, and Hillary
Clinton, the former secretary of state, for the party’s nomination.
Nevada
could prove crucial. Mr Sanders scored a crushing victory over Mrs
Clinton in New Hampshire and almost tied with her in Iowa, both states
with overwhelmingly white
populations.
If
he could defeat her in Saturday’s contest in Nevada, he would add to
his momentum and demonstrate that his appeal extends to ethnic groups
formerly considered part
of Mrs Clinton’s coalition.
A
total of 17 per cent of the state’s eligible voters are Hispanic —
including thousands of cleaners and waiters in hotel casinos — and they
are overwhelmingly Democratic.
Ms
Salgado’s story also suggests vulnerability for Mrs Clinton. The high
school student, whose mother immigrated from Mexico, previously backed
the establishment Democratic
candidate but is now volunteering to rally voters for the Sanders
campaign from a dingy phone bank.
She
is swayed by the 74-year-old’s consistency, contrasting it with Mrs
Clinton’s perceived expediency on issues such as gay rights. “He sticks
to his word. He’s always
been for the same stuff he’s for now. He hasn’t changed his mind,” she
says.
Ms
Salgado, who is able caucus because she will be 18 by the time of the
November election, also likes the promise of free tuition at public
universities. “We have potential,
but we need the opportunity to get better. That is not affordable right
now, so making college free is amazing.”
In battling for the Hispanic vote, the two sides have made direct appeals to voters’ immigrant heritage.
Mr
Sanders has played up his immigrant roots, running a Spanish-language
radio advert that recalls how his father arrived in the US from Poland
“penniless and unable to
speak English”.
The
Clinton campaign is tapping into alarm among Latino voters over Mr
Trump, who has claimed that Mexico is sending rapists to the US and has
vowed to build a wall on
the southern border.
A
Clinton Spanish TV advert running in Nevada begins: “When it seems that
everyone is against you, you find out who your real friends are.”
A
campaign worker also plays up Mrs Clinton’s decades-long support for
Latinos, stretching back to the 1970s when she helped to register voters
in Texas.
“The
facts just speak for themselves. Hillary has a great record of getting
things done. Things she says are not false promises,” says Vanessa
Valdivia, a member of the
Clinton campaign.
More
generally, Democrats are hoping that Latino outrage at the
anti-immigrant stance taken not just by Mr Trump but other rightwing
presidential aspirants will prove
a decisive factor in the November contest against the eventual
Republican nominee.
Even the Republican party itself has highlighted Latino voters’ reluctance to support it.
After
more than two-thirds of them voted for President Barack Obama in 2012, a
Republican inquiry said the party must champion immigration reform to
woo Hispanics. But
Mr Trump has obliterated that idea.
“Latinos
are under attack,” says Geoconda Arguello-Kline, the Nicaraguan-born
leader of the Culinary Workers Union Local 226, the biggest Democratic
vote machine in Las
Vegas, which is on a drive to register 12,000 new voters.
The
fast-growing US Hispanic population is not, however, monolithic.
People’s views vary according to where their families came from and when
and how they have made their
way in the US.
The
conflation of ethnicity and immigration policy is a Democratic ruse,
says Elizabeth Sclafani, 27, a daughter of Cuban and Nicaraguan parents
who is supporting the
Republican Ted Cruz. “They make it seem that anyone who is not
pro-immigration is racist.”
There
is evidence that negative forces — namely Republican hostility — can do
more to boost turnout among Hispanics than Democrats’ promises of
immigration reform.
When
California voted on a ballot initiative to deny social services to
unauthorised immigrants in 1994, the “sense of racial threat” inspired a
wave of first-time Hispanic
voters, says Lisa García Bedolla, a professor at the University of
California, Berkeley.
Still,
turn out among Hispanics is often low: nationally just 48 per cent of
eligible Latinos voted in 2012 compared with 64 per cent of whites.
Nevada’s Hispanics are particularly unreliable, partly because many struggle to get an hour off work to attend caucus meetings.
In
2008, the last competitive Democratic caucuses, Hispanics made up less
than 10 per cent of the 117,000 who voted. Mrs Clinton defeated Mr Obama
in Nevada, even though
the Culinary Union endorsed the now president. This year the union is
staying neutral, although it has chided Mr Sanders’ campaigners for
sneaking into its dining rooms to lobby members.
Pressed on Mr Sanders’ chances with Hispanics, Ms Arguello-Kline says: “He has to do a lot of work.”
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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